But for the study of language it was largely a period of linguistic lull. I am aware that it will require intensive and careful research; I am only proposing a tentative hypothesis: social upheavals and linguistic analysis may be in inverse relationship. This disjunction between the study of language and society partly has its roots in the rationalist Platonic tradition in which there is overwhelming pressure to see the transience of the world around us and to seek the real and the ideal which must exist beyond the perceptual world, i.e., in the recesses of our minds. The search for linguistic and cognitive universals has had a long history and it has given us some of the most insightful theories of language and mind. There is a sense in which as I said yesterday we share a feel for the overall architecture of language, e.g., in the basic lexical categories of nouns, verbs and adjectives and their symmetrical projections, in a set of functional categories that would function as determiners, quantifiers and complementizers and in a set of inflections or mechanisms that would indicate say person or plurality, etc., and yet when somebody really pushes us to the wall to specify real language universals, we do not feel particularly comfortable. Even the boundaries between nounness and verbness may not be clearly definable. This is true of the cognitive universals also, as, for example, we will see in the case of how we conceptualise and structure space. In the study of language, the rationalist impulse may gain new heights and strengths that are essentially socio-politically neutral, irrespective of whether it is a time of social upheavals or not. As Prof. Rajendra Singh (personal communication) tells me, the view from Saussure's office in Geneva including the 'tranquillity of the lake, the mountains and of the Swiss political economy' was indeed peaceful; but the view from Chomsky's office from Building 20 at MIT in the 1950s and 60s was far from quiet.
     Benjamin Lee Whorf, who, following Boas and Sapir, pioneered the theory of linguistic relativity, had no doubt that the way we conceptualise space is universal. Whorf (1956:158-9) said:
     There is no (such) striking difference between Hopi and Standard American English about space as about time, and probably the apprehension of space is given in substantially that same form by experience irrespective of language.
     As Foley (1997) shows, for a very long time it was believed that spatial conception is strongly informed by innate universals and that in all languages and cultures, our own body remains the reference point for structuring space. The greatest of the relativists you notice wears a rationalist hat and often vice versa. It was argued that the coordinates through which spatial orientations are established are projected from ego, the deictic central reference point for all spatial reckoning, along two horizontal axes and one vertical (p.215). Front-back and left-right are along the horizontal axes, up down is along the vertical axis. Since everyone structures space in terms of her/his body, what is to my right is to your left. It was assumed that the axis of spatial structuring could pass through only the human body and that we are innately programmed to do so. Several studies since, particularly the ones conducted at the Max-Planck Institute in Nijmegen, have shown that different languages may have fundamentally different ways of describing spatial orientation. It is possible to have absolute frames of reference (as even we have in the case of south, north etc.) rather than purely egocentric ones. A given culture could have mountains and rivers as absolute frames of reference so that what is to your right remains to the right of your hearer also. Once again one is not suggesting that there are no universals or that the pursuit for universals is not worthwhile. What one is suggesting, however, is that this pursuit should not be undertaken at the cost of social reality.
     Another rationality thread takes you to the promises of the Enlightenment project, vision of a utopia, which promised happiness and peace to one and all, if we simply tried to be rational. This view of progress and development was indeed naïve. It not only ignored the disastrous social and environmental consequences of the so-called technological progress, it also ignored the questions of individual identity, small group dynamics, and local beliefs, cultures and literacies. What is more, it completely ignored the role of language in the construction of social reality. We as linguists failed not only to take note of the dehumanising negative discourse structures, but also of the liberating positive ones. In human history, the voices of protest and rebellion, I guess, have overwhelmingly rejected the extant dominate discourse constructing in the process a new 'speech'. I am grateful to Prof. Singh for pointing out how Ashtadhyayi canonized Sanskrit and how Buddha refused to speak in it; the same is perhaps true of Nanak and Kabir and several alternative voices in the Bhakti movement; and again of the discourses of the freedom movement.

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