HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE FROM A SOUTH ASIAN VIEWPOINT
The Organizers of this
Seminar have felt, and quite rightly so, that a historical review
of the study of language will serve a useful purpose in a Seminar
of this kind. They have accordingly, not so rightly, entrusted
the task to me.
Now, in the history of human civilization, while we find that
men have wondered aloud about the fascinating magic of language, any
kind of a respectable scholarly study of the subject can be traced
directly or indirectly to one of the following traditions:
Ancient Classical India and its derivatives, attenuations and reinterpretations.
Ancient Greece and its derivatives in Ancient Rome and Medieval and
China and its derivatives in Japan and South-East Asia.
Classical Arab civilization and its derivatives
in South-West Asia and
North –East Africa.
Modern West and its derivatives in South Asia and elsewhere which
again, a can be divided into two main phases:
Comparative Philology and its derivatives such as Dialectology.
Modern Linguistics in a more narrow sense.
Obviously, I cannot even
hope to cover this wide field. Consistently with my own competence
and the probable interests of the participants of this Seminar, I
have limited my task to the following:
Presenting in brief an over all framework of linguistic studies:
Presenting a sketch of the origins and development of modern linguistics
in the West; and finally,
Presenting a sketch of linguistic studies in South Asia in recent
session of this Seminar is going to be devoted to Historical and Comparative
Linguistics, I have therefore thought it best to leave out a consideration
of the development in this field in the late 18th, 19th,
and early 20th centuries.
“ Every science may be said”, says William
Haas (1960: 122-2), “ to have its origin in some radical complexity;
in a new sense of wonder, about something always taken as obvious-a
sense of wonder which asks to be transmitted into a sense of understanding. Amid the sophisticated complications of contemn
of the simple radical problems of the control.”
What, then, is it that distinguishes linguistics from its sister
disciplines which also study languages from their respective vantage
points? What separates the linguistic study of language from what
one may call the perilinguistic studies of language? The difference
is simply this – that, while perilinguistic studies consider language
simply as an extremely interesting case within some wider range of
phenomena like human behaviour, social institutions, statistical populations,
formal systems, cultural history, artistic media, or the like, linguistics
takes up the scientific study of language for its own sake—of language
as an institutionalized mode of human communication, as a way of connecting
spoken and written signals and their ultimate meanings. Perhaps I can best present this in a question
and answer form.
Question: How are spoken
and written signals connected with their ultimate meanings?
Answer: Linguistics: The connection is mediated through linguistic
symbols. Linguistic signals
of speech and writing signal but do not signify. Linguistic symbols signify but do not signal. An integrated linguistic act makes use
of both signals and symbols in the context of situation involving
a sender and at least one receiver-his addressee.
How does this connection succeed?
How do we succeed in understanding one another’s speech? How
do we manage to say and grasp an endless succession of new
sources? What is that we ‘know’
when we are said to ‘know’ a language well enough to be able to use
Answer 1: Analytic Linguistics: We choose our way through a maze that proceeds
from the more general to the more specific patterns. The patterns constitute a system of rules
that enable us to think of any a one of the whole body of usable
texts as a configuration of the elementary signals and symbols.
A Linguistic act turns a usable text into a used one by matching it
with a situation.
Question 2: Why do we fail when we do fail to understand
one another’s speech? How
does one make sense of this irrational babel of languages?
We begin by comparing languages-more specifically, comparing
rules, usable texts, and items. Our aim is to find out either how languages
come to be what they are or whether there is the same old bag of tricks
that each language draws upon.
1 How does a language
– items, rules, and all –reproduce itself from one
population of users
to another population of users—especially the cultural descendents?
The answer can be sought in three stages.
First, we seek out historical correspondences between
items and rules of one language and those of another.
The correspondences represent either lines of historical
descent or lines of historical cognacy or lines of historical
influence that cross the others. This is rather like the zoologist identifying
animal foreleg, bird wing, and human hand in spite of functional and
formal differences or the culture historian detecting Buddhist or
Greek influence in a Hindu custom.
Secondly, we bring out how the descent is characterized by
stability, innovation, and diffusion; how the cognacy yields a language
family of divergent members (the Dravidian family for instance);
and how persistent influence yields a language zone of convergent
members (the Himalayan Zone for instance). Finally, we range language families and zones
on the one other hand and link these historically. This reveals a changing network of language
maintenance, language contact, and language displacement. Language
seldom die because the users die out: more commonly they are displaced
by competing languages, or split into divergent descendant languages,
or change themselves beyond recognition.
How does a text in one language reproduce itself in another? How do items and rules match each other across
2 Correlative Linguistics: We seek out functional correlations between
items and rules from one language and those of another without regard
to history. We can establish
translation rules in grammar and vocabulary and trans-rendition rules
in phonology (between English r and i and Chinese i for instance)
This will reveal language universals and language types.
we can even compare lines of descent and lines of in influence. This will reveal universal and typical patterns
of historical change. Correlative
linguistics binds language analyses and language histories into a
general theory of language.
Western linguistic of the 18th and the 19th
centuries was mainly concerned with Sub-Question 2:1, the linguistics
of the 20th century is mainly concerned with tacking Sub-Question
1 and reconsidering the other sub- reconsidering the other sub-questions
in the light of the answer so revealed.
It is perhaps needless to say that there need be no conflict
of interest between historical linguistics and analytic linguistics.
The two supplement and even complement each other. Correlative linguistics
is only now coming into its own-after a lull that separates today’s
inquires from the abortive speculations about universal grammars,
language types, and progress in language. This is natural, since correlative linguistics can only stand on
the shoulders of the other two.
What, then was responsible for the shift of perspective that
took place in the closing years of the 19th century and
the opening years of the 20th century?
This was the shift from Hermann Paul’s conception of linguistics
as essentially a historical discipline to the present insistence that
linguistic analysis can alone provide the corner stone of linguistics
–sound history presupposes sound analysis. What stands in between is Ferdinand de Saussure.
The Saussure who in his early study of Indo-European vowel
coefficients brought off a signal triumph of the best historical methods
of his day was the same Saussure who went ion to ask the disturbing
question-namely what after al is the basic question that is the unique
privilege of linguistics to attempt.
is rather like a zoologist drawing a functional and deserved formal
analogy between an elephant trunk and a human have in spite of differences
of origin or the student of culture likening s and witchcraft in a
tribal group and law and justice arrangements in a civil society as
form of social control.
one must not exaggerate the break—after all, there is a continuity
between early and late Saussure.
Historical linguistics graduate from its earlier and anecdotal
stage, when consonants counted for little and vowels for nothing in
etymology –hunting for isolated words, to the mature triumphs of over
professionalism based on the insight that it is sound systems that
change, not sounds; grammatical systems that change,
not this or that form. It was only a logical step from the systematic
nature of language change to the systematic nature of language itself.
We owe it to Saussure that he took that step and consolidated
a number of stray departures made by different scholars into a whole
came are a time when the interest had definitely shifted from the
prestigious but dead classical languages to be modern languages and
even their folk dialects: it had also broadened beyond the familiar
Indo-European and Semitic languages to take note the bewilderingly
different systems of ‘exotic’ languages like Chinese or the native
unwritten languages of the Americas, Africa, and northern Asia. The Böhtlingk who made the exciting discovery of the Paninian
approach—at once rigorous and flexible—was also the Böhtlingk who
applied it with success to a Siberian language.
The phoneticians with their pronunciation drills, quaint alphabets,
and strange contraptions were already on the scene. Bernard Shaw’s
Professor Higgins, alias Sweet the Grammarian of spoken English, was
already inspiring Daniel Jones and others.
The German physicist geographer Franz Boas had migrated to
America and to the ethnography of peoples and their languages language—bringing
to the new discipline the same objectivity, the same refusal to speculate
and wander from the goal that he had imbibed as a natural scientist.
then, were the dominant features of this new perspective on language
analysis and language history? One, there was a clear separation between
the analysis of a given form of speech at a given place and time on
the one hand and the tracing of historical relationships on the other
hand. After all, a speaker
speaks in order to bee understood by his neighbors and contemporaries.
And these listeners certainly do not draw upon any knowledge
of the history and the geography of that language—indeed, they may
not have any such knowledge. Al the knowledge that they need of the - regularities
of that form of speech must be sought entirely within that speech.
This is the -principle of immanence demanding the intrinsic
study of a language. Later, this principle took on a rather extreme
form of self-denial. Granting
that linguistic symbols and rules medicate between spoken noises and
written shapes and contextual meanings in a behavioral situation,
the idea was to concentrate one’s gaze o the connection to the exclusion
of a consideration of meanings (as with Zellig Harris’s classic, Methods
in structural linguistics) or indeed of both the ‘ substances’
(sounds and meanings) (as with the Danish one-man school, Hjelmslev’s
the principle of recurrent structure and function.
It was seen that there was little point in contemplating single
utterances or single pieces of utterance.
Rather, we must trace how a given piece recurs in varying wholes
performing certain function or functions.
And we must compare the given utterance with others that resemble
it in part but also differ from it in part.
These collations reveal recurrent structures. The whole structures
the parts. To take a familiar example, it is not enough to take delight
in detecting, with the phonetician’s trained ear, that there are two
p-sounds in English speech –an aspirated one in the item peach
and an unaspirated one in the item speech. The point rather
is to see that the two sounds function alike –they never compete,
but rather complement. One can drive oneself crazy in tracing the
apparently multifarious uses of the English article a or the. The pattern begins to jump to the eyes, as
the French say, when one sees that there is a peach in the fridge
matches there are peaches in the fridge and there is milk in
the fridge (in short there is a zero indefinite article), and
that the John we met yesterday and John match respectively
the boy we met yesterday and the boy (there is a zero
definite article too). And so on. Even meaning, that enfant terrible
of human sciences, begins to yield its secrets. Consider the following pairs of paraphrases:
(a) I require you to read this book.
(b) I don’t permit you
not to read this book.
(a) I permit you to read this book.
(b) I don’t require you
not to read this book.
(a) You must read this book.
(b) You can’t not read
(a) You must read this book.
(b) You needn’t not read
(a) I hope it will rain.
(b) I don’t fear it won’t
(a) I fear it will rain.
I can’t hope it won’t rain.
The new tools is effective at the levels
of phonology, grammar, as well as
Last but not least, Saussure took out language from the
library and placed it where it belongs –in the social traffic. Language may be a system: it maybe, up to a
point, a self—contained system: but it is also a social institution,
a system that is sustained and realized in social behaviour. It is this third principle of the social matrix of language that
corrects the excesses of the principle of immanence. The recent emphasis
on socio-linguistic studies is simply a reassertion of the social
context coupled with an attempt to detect patterns that govern who
says what to whom in what manner under what circumstances.
new perspective based on the principles of immanence, of functional
structures, and of social relevance that launched modern linguistics
on the formalist path is actually a part of a larger intellectual
movement of the Western World, even as the historical linguistics
of the previous century picked up the evolutionary modes of thought
of the day. In point of fact
(the biologists were inspired by the linguists). Similar ideas turned
up in biology, the study of languages and the study of literary history
in a more or less parallel fashion.
Cf. Haas 1956-7.)
ordered universe of the European Enlightenment culminated in the Kantian
Synthesis. But this seemed
to leave out something- raw-existence under the surface of things. Darwin, Marx, Freud, and the “Golden Bough” anthropologists hammered
away at the edifice—again and again, the tidy civilized routine was
sought to be explained is terms of inner necessities of the biology
of the species, of the production relations, of the biology of the
family, of the primitive Psyche.
The turn of the century saw the slow building up of the next
movement –a movement away from reduction, from the desire to get at
the thing in itself, from large generalizations as well as meticulous
detail. It was a movement
based on the supposition that, in under standing the human world,
by remaining more modest we can become more ambitious. Relations were seen to be more important than
the entities. Instead of putting
all one’s eggs in one basket—evolution, economic necessity, libido,
or whatever—thinkers preferred to construct tight little systems so
that the toppling of one does not topple the whole lot.
What survived from the nineteenth century sense of history
was the sense of the connectedness of things.
“Only connect” said E.M. Forster; this could very well be the
motto of modern linguistics, modern economics, modern psychology,
and so forth.
subsequent history of linguistics can in a way be seen as a playing
out of these principles. Boas’s
work was carried on by Sapir. Bloomfield
linked up this line of development with the best in the 19th
century historical perspective. Saussure’s immediate disciples unfortunately
occupied themselves more with writing exegesis on Saussure than with
language—more importantly, Saussure influenced Meillet in France,
inspired Hjelmslev in Denmark, and the Russians Trubetzkoy, Jakobson,
Shcherba, and Polivanov, the first two of whom moved to Europe and
helped to found the Prague School. Britain came rather late out of
philology and into linguistics. Firth, who led this movement, counted Saussure and Henry Sweet among
his mentors. Sapir and Bloomfield
in their characteristically different styles of thinking nurtured
a whole generation of American structuralists—Harris, Bloch, Hockett
Trager, and Pike to name only a few. Enter Chomsky.
Chomsky and exeunt omnes? Hardly, though that’s the scenario according
to some of his early disciples. But
there is no denying that Chomsky introduced something entirely new,
though I must hasten to add that not all that Chomsky espoused with
vigor is all that new. To begin with the continuities, the following
received a fresh emphasis from Chomsky:
The linguist begins by observing language behaviour-as yielding a
variety of texts. But he cannot
stay there: he has to edit the texts of the rough edges and to extrapolate
from them. After all, language
spins out an endless number of texts out of a limited number of items.
What gives an account of is not the texts but the spinning
What the linguist studies is not language use, not performance, not
even competence, but the content, the ‘what’ of the body of intuitions
that constitute the abstract system.
While every attempt should be made to seek objective evidence for
the intuitions and to make one’s presentation as explicit and testable
as possible, what ultimately matters is not a discovery procedure
but an evaluation procedure, not a mere fit with the data but explanatory
power, not a set of definitions (for there will always be primitive,
undefined terms) but a meta-grammar that specifies the form that an
acceptable grammar must assume.
But that is not all. We must credit Chomsky with some major innovations.
To begin with, he brought home to the linguists that what one says
is not the only thing that matters, what one refuses to say or what
one says about what one says (for instance, that A peach is in
the fridge is less acceptable than There is a peach in the
fridge) is as much a part of the data that supports the theory
and stands explained by it.
Utterances do not signal all of their underlying structure; accents,
intonations, and breaks give some clues here and there; but grammatical
ambiguity and paraphrase are far more wide spread than linguists
A sentence may stand structured at amore than one level. “He wants
to go is quite like “ He happens to go” at one level but more like
“He wants himself to go “ or “ He stops going” at another level. “He condescends to go” as a way station between
“ He condescends to for –himself-to-go” and “He condescends to go”.
Finally, the concern for immanence, for studying a language in its
own terms mustn’t blind us to the fact that, in spite of the large
variety of language surfaces, and transrendition, we find the same
sort of categories nouns, verbs vowels, consonants, and the like useful
in describing different languages.
That languages translate each other at all is the more interesting
and important fact for the linguist literary critic.
The search for language universals is once
-again on after a long period of cultivated distrust.
What is of more doubtful
value is Chomsky’s further attempt to ac in terms of a psychology
of innate ideas. What is being offered as an explanation of
the problematic fact suspiciously looks like its restatement. In any case there is no reason why linguists
cannot go about their business without looking over their shoulders
to see whether the psychologists are following them.
and the depressing fact for the South Asian linguist is that many
of the concerns and excitements of modern linguistics have been anticipated
in ancient India—Under vyākaraṇa, šikṣā, nyāya (especially
šābdabodha), and šāhityašāstra Because we, the unworthy
descendents, have shamefully neglected the continued study of this
fascinating subject—we either copy the West or, worse, have kept copying
The great divide between ancient and
modern times in this field (as in many others) as of course the coming
of scholarly contact with the West.
The first such contact took the shape of the Western antiquarians
seeking the help of a Hindu pandit or a learning. Muslim Maulavi in
exploring the rich treasures of traditional learning. This remained
(and unfortunately still remains) an unequal and therefore limited
encounter. But the antiquarian
bas thus given to language studies in modern India is still with us.
We have to wait for the first university-trained
generation of Indian schools to come up and play their part in the
deliberations of the Asiatic Societies of Bengal and Bombay and receive
their training in the universities of Germany England, and France.
Indian antiquary was founded in Bombay
in1872 as “a journal of oriental research in archaeology, epigraphy,
ethnology, geography history, folklore, languages, literature, numismatics,
philosophy, religion &c, “ linguistic studies –or philological
studies as they were then called-were to remain so tucked away in
Indology throughout the first period (1877-1919) of South Asian linguistics,
which opens with the inauguration of the Wilson Philological Lecture
Series at the in University of Bombay by the
Indo- Aryanist R. G. Bhandarkar, the Indian co-founder with
John Beames, A.F. Rudolf Hoernle, and Bishop Robert Caldwell of the modern study
of South Asian languages. Although
there were Indian Sanskritists in the modern sense before him-Ram
Mohan Roy, the father of modern Indian Enlightenment, for example,
if no other-Bhandarkar was the first Indian to study modern philology. The complexion of linguistic studies was decidedly
historical; the focus was on phonology and morphology; the horizon
was exclusively Indo-European, if not Indo-Iranian, if not Indo-Aryan,
if not limited to Sanskrit. This state of affairs was to continue
more or less unchanged in the next period also; Sukthankar (1941:
598) had good cause to animadvert on his generation which was “ so
slothful-that it never occurs to any one of us to study any language
outside our special, hallowed system of languages.” Hindus would have
no interest ordinarily in Arabic and Persian; Muslims in Sanskrit;
North Indians in Dravidian; non-Parsis in Old and missionaries and
European officers; interest in languages outside South Asia, even
in Greek and Latin and Tibetan and Chinese, would be minimal.
The next period (1919-54), which may
be conveniently dated from the publication of Jules Bloch’s La
Formation de la langue marathe shows improvement in one important
respect. The rather wooly, vaguely romantic synthesis represented by F. Max
Müller’s Lectures on the science of language (1862- 66), so
pleasing to the new-found Indian national consciousness in its idolization
of Sanskrit, finally lost its grip. The Junggrammatikers’ revolution
finally caught up with South Asian linguistics.
Around 1919, a number of things happened.
The University of Calcutta founded a chair for comparative
philology in 1913; I.J.S. Taraporewala was the first Indian to be
appointed to it (in 1917). In 1921 the University of London awarded a
young Indian, Suniti Kumar Chatterji, a D. Litt. for his work on The Origin and development of the Bengali language
done at the newly founded
school of Oriental Studies. Chatterji
held the Calcutta professorship from 1922 to 1952 and put India on
the international map of linguistics.
His thesis proved to be a model for many other Indian linguists
to follow. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute was
founded at Poona in 1917 and was the venue in 1919 of the first Oriental
Conference. P.D. Gune’s
Introduction to comparative philology was first published in 1918
and was to be the staple English reading of generations of young Indian
philologists along with A. C. Wolner’s Introduction to Prakrit
(1917), Otto Jespersen’s Language (1922), Joseph Vendrèys’s
Le Language (1921), English translation 1931) and I.J.S. Taraporewala’s
Elements of the science of language (1931).
Jules Bloch, L.P. Tessitori, R.L. Turner in the West and Chatterji,
Siddeshwar Varma, Baburam Saksena, Dhirendra Varma, L.V. Ramaswamy
Aiyar in India represent next generation in South Asian linguistics.
Sir George Abraham Grierson—representing a fine tradition of
administrators turned scholars—completed his monumental linguistic
survey of India (1903-28) in this period with the assistance of Sten
Konow. It began to show its impact—the teeming non-literary dialects
of “cultivated languages” and the “ uncultivated languages” finally
came into their own. The Reverend
T. Grahame Bailey and Chatterji introduced the International Phonetic
Alphabet to the [philologist (respectively in A Panjabi phonetic reader 1914; and in
A Brief sketch of Bengali phonetics 1921).
Finally, we must note that the accentuating of a trend that
was already present in the first period and even earlier.
The rise of modern literatures in the regional languages in
the 19th century, the standardization of a
new prose medium (the ancient literatures being predominantly
in verse), the practical needs of the European
officers and the missionaries,
the growing importance of the regional
languages in the school and university systems, and the growth
of regional consciousness –all of these converged to make the need
felt for standard grammars and dictionaries.
These were necessarily bilingual at first (grammars in English,
the dictionary glossed in English); later grammars written in the
respective languages and still later uni-lingual dictionaries were
produced by Indians for Indians.
The grammars and the dictionaries remained on the whole innocent
of linguistics of any brand till the next period.
The dates of these broadly reflect the uneven time-spread of
the British conquest, of regional cultural developments, and of the
weaning away from English. (The dates of the influential text books on
linguistics in the regional language may also be compared with these.
The holding, in 1954, of the first separate meeting of the
Linguistic Society of India (found ed in 1928 at the 5th
Indian Oriental Conference at Lahore) marks the beginning of the contemporary
phase in South Asian linguistics.
The coming of independence to India in 1947 transformed the
very complexion of scholarly contact between Indians and the rest
of the world. The relations could grow on a more healthy footing and
could be rid of inhibitions on either side. The Westerner, for example, found a new respect
for South Asian scholarship free from either condescension or well
–meaning patronization. The
Indian scholar on his part feels less the need of false patriotic
pride and found it easier to combine self-respect and true scholarly
humility. He is also realizing that English is not the
only window on the outside world and that England, Germany, France
are not the only scholarly communities in the world.
The 1953 conference of linguists and Indian educationists presided
over by Sir Ralph Turner at Deccan college, Poona expressed the need
for an intensive training program in India for young linguists who
could then take up a fresh linguistic survey of the country based
on first-hand field study. The Language Project (1954-59) at Deccan college
made this desideratum a reality thanks to a grant from the Rockefeller
Foundation, New York; since 1960, the Summer Schools of Linguistics
have continued under other auspices.
Indian linguistics was finally ready to catch up with the Saussure—Sapir-
Bloomfield revolution in linguistics. The
newly - founded Linguistics Research Group of Pakistan under the energetic
stewardship of Anwar S. Dil held the First Pakistan Conference of
Linguists at Lahore in 1962. Sri
Lanka is feeling the impact of the new linguistics.
The newly-founded Tribhuvan University at Kathmandu, Nepal,
has provision for Indology and linguistics.
Though universities in this area have been accepting dissertations
on linguistic subjects for a long time, Calcutta was still the only
South Asian University centre in 1954 offering a regular course in
the subject. There are now over 15 universities that offer
some course in Linguistics. Linguistics
has been put back on the map of Indian scholarship. There is also a new practical motivation for
this study—the so- called language problems of South Asia, especially
the need for expanding, updating, and diversifying language - teaching
facilities. The danger of unscholarly motives like regional
or national chauvinism creeping into language studies is very real
but is probably not a serious threat.
A welcome feature of the present situation is that linguistics
has started attracting recruits from field other than language teaching,
literature, and cultural history.
In addition, there are research groups interested in language
at the science institutes at Bombay and Bangalore, Kanpur and Pilani
We have along way to go, there is a whole museum of South
Asian languages waiting for us to exploit.
we can begin (to adapt the words of
Goethe) by making our own what we have merely inherited –from our own past as well as from the rest of the
Hass, William, 1960. General
linguistics in university studies. Universities Quarterly (1960). 140.65.
Hockett, Charles F. 1965.
Sound change. Language
41.185-205. Devoted in a large
part to a critical historical review of modern linguistics.
Leroy, M.1967. The
Main Trends in Modern Linguistics.
Oxford: Blackwell. (Original in French 1963.)
Pedersen, Holger. 1931. Linguistic Science in the Nineteenth
Century. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard U. P. (Original
in Danish 1924; Paperback ed. entitled : The Discovery of Language.)
Robins, R.H. 1950. Ancient
and Medieval Grammatical Theory in Europe. London: Bell.
Sebeok, Thomas A. (ed)
1966. Portraits of Linguists:
A Biographical Source Book for the History of Western Linguistics
1746-1963. 2v. Bloomington,
Indian: Indian U.P.
Searle, John. 1972.
Chomsky’s revolution in linguistics.
The New York Review of Books 18 : 12. 16-24 (29-vi-1972).
Comment, Lakoff, George, idem
Sebeok, Thomas A. (ed) 1966. Current Trends in Linguistics.
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Includes: Vol. 5 Linguistics in South Asia (1969).
Sukthankar, V.S. 1941. The
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Hass, William. 1956-7.
Of living things. German life and letters 10.62-70, 85-96,
251-7 (Oct, Jan, July). Speaks
of Goethe’s botany, Schlegel’s linguistics history, and Hordovs literary
history in the context of Lamarck and Darwin.
A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE FROM A SOUTH ASIAN VIEWPOINT
Ashok R. Kelkar
I have three points I Would like Dr. Kelkar to expand on:
Why should Chinese be called an exotic language?
What is the phenomenon behind the shift from a propositioned to a
What does Dr. Kelkar have to say about the psychology of language
‘Exotic’ is not a word I would use to describe Chinese (as can be
seen from the inverted commas used in my paper). It is simply an expression taken from Western scholars at the time
of their first research on Chinese.
Although these scholars were familiar with Indo European Semitic
and languages Chinese presented features which were totally new in
various ways and which therefore sounded strange and unfamiliar at
that time. I was merely showing the widening of horizons
the Western linguists experienced at that point.
In my paper I have made it clear that historical relation-ships enable
us to group languages in two ways: into language families and language
zones, e.g. the Himalayan zone, or more –widely, the South Asian zone,
Older languages in this zone, such as Sanskrit, has prepositional
system there was option (vikalpa). Unlike such language as Sanskrit, Dravidian
languages are purely postpositional languages and this must have spread
to other languages in the area.
The psychology of language
is very important but we know. Little
about it, so at this stage our approach has to be very cautious.
We can only say’ Here is an interesting fact ‘or’ There is
an interesting shift’ etc. but there is no ready answer as yet.
Anand Dev Batta
What is the difference between the
dying of a language and a displacement or split?
If you look at my paper carefully you
will see I am not making any difference.
Languages seldom die because the speakers die out. There have been cases where whole tribes die
out and this is still a cultural and biological mystery. It is very rare, death of a language in the
literal sense of the term. More commonly languages are displaced by
competing languages. For example,
as was mentioned yesterday, the process of certain
tribal languages disappearing can be seen in Nepal. These languages are disappearing, not because
the tribal are disappearing but because they are shifting from their
languages to Nepali. For instance,
when they migrate from one area in Nepal top another or when they
migrate to another country they tend to adopt Nepali in the first
case or another language in the second and forget their own language.
This ‘ language forgetting’ is what I cal language displacement.
The second possibility is that a language
may split into divergent descendents.
An example of this is Latin, which does not survive as such
today the though different changed forms of Latin survive. In France, Spain and Italy Latin changed differently to give rise
to French, Spanish and Italian. As
the French linguist Gaston Paris said ‘ Nous parlons latin’.
The third case is that a language may
change beyond recognition, for example the old English which King
Alfred spoke and English today. The
language of the old texts is hardly recognized as English and scholars
for a long time referred to it as Anglo-Saxon
was presented at an international Seminar on problems and perspectives
in Linguistic Studies at Kathmandu, November 1974, and published in
Seminar papers in linguistics, Institute of Nepal and Asian
studies, Tribhuvan Universities Kathmandu, 1976, p 21-34, discussion,