Transformation of Marathi Literary sensibility 1820-1920
the transformation of Maharashtra culture over the period 1820 to
1920 is part of a larger process that I prefer to call the Indian
Awakening (Bharatiya Prabodhan) rather than the Indian Renaissance.
I propose, first to characterize the Indian awakening (Section
I), then to look at Maharashtra and its literary life in that perspective
(Section II), and finally to go into specifics to lend some body to
my argument (Section III).
I: A Perspective on the Indian Awakening
The European Renaissance was brought by the breakdown of the
feudal order and the rise of city states and national monarchies,
the revival of Graeco-Latin learning, the exploratory sea voyages
to the East and to the Western hemisphere, and the rise of mercantilism,
and it was followed by the Protestant Reformation and the scientific
Revolution. Europe moved to
the Modern Age. The Indian
Awakening, on the other hand, is the externally originating process
of the Modern Age moving to the shores of south Asia. It is true that a certain analogy of limited
validity could be drawn between the absolute monarchies and the Protestant
Reformation of Europe on the one hand and the Mughal Empire (and some
of the regional monarchies) and the Bhakti and Sufi movements of India
on the other hand. But when
one considers the much later social, cultural, and ideological upheaval
of 19th century India one has to concede that this upheaval
was almost wholly a result of the coming of the British rule.
The ten-century-old isolationism of Indian culture from the
rest of human civilization came to an abrupt end in the 18th
and 19th centuries. The
agency of change was not European culture as such but European capitalist
imperialism in the practical-minded, gradualist, Benthamite-liberal
English version. The British rule brought along not only its
Pax Brittanica but also its liberal reforms, its Christian evangelists,
and of course its economic exploitation.
With Europe the shift from the Medieval ethos to the Modern
ethos was a shift from a feudal to a mercantile social order and from
an Other-directed personality (where the expression ‘the Other’ is
to be taken in its broadest application) to a personality directed
by a search for a new order. The European Renaissance introduced secularism,
individualism, and nationalism. The
European Enlightenment of the 18th century strengthened
the values of egalitarianism, utilitarianism,and rationalism, and
was followed by the French Revolution and the Industrial Revolution. The Indian awakening partook a little of both the European Renaissance
and the European Enlightenment, but equaled neither in depth or scope.
It was essentially an attempt to catch up with four centuries
of European history (the 15th to the 18th). The values that European modernity espoused
touched upon –
the relation between man and universe (rationality in understanding
it and utilitarianism in reshaping it);
the relation between man and man (egalitarianism at home and nationalism
to the rest of the world; and
the relation between man and the self (individualism and secularism
in relation to the Other).
The best way to capture
the resurgence of a prostrate Indian in the 19th century
is through two vivid and celebrated images – one image from Tilak’s
famous tribute to Ranade, whom he credited with infusing life into
cold, nearly lifeless flesh of the body social, and the other image
from Tagore’s ode evoking the heaven into which he would some day
see his country awake.
the values of European modernity were adopted, and adapted in the
process, by the leaders of the Indian Awakening at some stage or other
and at some point or other, it did not equal European modernity, as
we have just said, either in depth or scope.
begin with, the Awakening was not segmented but fragmented – by religion
(for example, the Muslims were only partially drawn into it, social
reform and women’s emancipation were indeed far removed from their
thoughts), by classes aligned by caste and community (for example,
the scholars and professional of Maharashtra were only imperfectly
in touch with the new merchants like Jagannath Sankarsett and the
new merchant-industrialists like Jamshetji Tata and the peasant discontent
associated with names like Vasudeo Balwant Phadke and Jyotiba Phule),
and by region (for example, in spite of being one of the three presidency
towns of the East India Company’s rule and being the seat of one of
the three oldest universities set up in 1857, Madras for some reason
never figured as a ‘renaissance’ center along with Bombay and Calcutta). An interesting consequence of this fragmentation
is that Indian life even today appears to be split down the middle
between a deshi segment innocent of the English language and western
models and a videshi segment suflused with these – the split affects
dress and living style, sports, the arts, medicine, trade and commerce
(commodity market and handicraft versus manufactured goods), scholarship
and educational effort, and so on.
the awakening is not all-pervasive in the way the European Renaissance
was—thus, it is significant that Marx didn’t reach the Indian intellectuals
till the beginning of the 20th century; that the critique
of religion among the Hindus was not followed by the emergence of
new philosophical thought; that Europe continued to mean for Indians
Europe through Anglo-Saxon eyes; and that one comes across personalities
uneasily hovering between orthodoxy and reform all through this period.
the Renaissance man was largely conspicuous by his absence. The nearest we come to personalities alive
to many sides of life are Raja Rammohan Roy (religious and social
reformer, educationist, scholar), Justice M.G. Ranade (statesman,
economist, historian, religious and social reformer), Rabindranath
Tagore (poet, painter, thinker, and founder of Visvabharati as well
as Sriniketan), and Mahatma Gandhi (political and social activist,
religious and economic critic). One has only to consider these personalities
and their impact in comparison with their European counterparts and
also with their Indian contemporaries.
the Indian Awakening was of an external origination, its content was
not wholly of European inspiration.
Not only were European values filtered and adapted to suit
the native cultural idiom, but there were often, especially on the
part of the Hindus, a certain attempt to seek out affinities between
the values of European modernity and Indian ways of life.
For Hindus rationalism was not entirely alien – the d¡rsanika
(philosopher) was willing to follow tarka (logic) pratyakÀa (sense perception and mental perception)
even in opposition to scriptures; even utilitarianism could find a
bedfellow in the doctrine of vyavadh¡ra
and apaddharma; nationalism was not to be seen as too different
from svadharma; egalitarianism was seen to have affinities
with the suspension of inequalities in bhakti; individualism
has affinities with the doctrine of atmastuti (satisfying one’s
inner self) in morals and the acceptance of loneliness in spiritual
matters; and secularism was ‘restarted’ as the acceptance of plurality
of paths in spiritual quest (lately christened as sarvadharmasamabhava
– read dharma here as mata, which may be any denomination
within or outside the Hindu fold).
course such affinities are far from being identities.
The Hindu mind has certainly not fully come to terms with the
rationalist search for reasoned faith in areas where logic and sense
perception are inconclusive; with utilitarianism as against the centrality
of the sacred; with nationalism as against family and caste loyalty;
with egalitarianism as against the social inequalities of ritual status;
with individualism as against deference to the elders, to custom,
and to scriptures; and with secularism as against the recognition
of the pervasive character of the sacred. Indeed an important fall-out of the Western
Indological effort and the partial victory of the ‘Orientalists’ in
the policy debate preceding the 1885 decision on ‘public instruction’
in Mecaulay’s time was hat the new educated élite could be counted
upon to learn a classical language like Sanskrit as a part of regular
schooling and to take a fresh and selective look at their heritage.
must not confuse the mere survival of the past among the naively orthodox
with the self-conscious revival of the past as with the Arya Samajist,
who is as much at Joggerheads with the naïve ‘Sanatanist’ as with
the Reformist. Indeed the very reality of the past is in question.
Is it the surviving past (as with the observance of untouchability)
or the carefully reconstructed past (as with Vedic Aryans or Buddhist
India) or the not-so-carefully ‘refurbished’ past (as with the Golden
sum up, the cultural transformation of the Indian society of the period
1820-1920 (of which the cultural transformation of Maharashtra is
but a part) is defined by the Indian awakening, which stood for regeneration
of a prostrate society through a partial assimilation of the values
of European modernity and through the rediscovery of Indian values
– especially those from the distant past rather than from the immediate
Medieval past. Educating the
public and educating the young were the most widely shared programmes
of the leaders of the Indian Awakening.
II: Maharashtra and Marathi Literary Sensibility
the regional fragmentation of the Indian Awakening, it is only to
be expected that its manifestation in Maharashtra should be distinct
in some respects. Given the earlier exposure of Bengal to the
British rule and its concomitants, one can see how Bengal was one
generation ‘ahead’ of Maharashtra – a phase difference of about thirty
years. The visit of Keshub Chunder sen to Bombay where
he met Ranade marks the beginning of the period (circa 1870-1920)
of the direct influence of Bengal on Maharashtra (extending even to
the choice of innovative personal names among Hindus!).
Bengal’s gift to Maharashtra was the founding of Pr¡rthan¡
Sam¡j in Bombay which was
a less radical break-off than Brahmo Sam¡j
from the Hindu fold; thenovels of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Sharad
Chatterjee and Rabindranath tagore in Marathi translations; the writings
of Vivekanand; the habilitation of mysticism and bhakti in the modern
ambience; the idealization of womanhood; an inducement to think in
universalist and cosmopolitan terms; and the recognition of the visual
arts as culturally serious pursuits.
Western India, the administrative boundaries between Bombay Presidency,
the Central Provinces and Berar, and the Nizam’s Dominion counted
as much as the linguistic boundaries between Maharashtra, Gujarat,
Karnataka, and the so-called Hindi belt.
Thus, the Awakening came to Bombay and Pune before it came
to other cities in Maharashtra, to the so-called west Maharashtra
before it came to Vidarbha and Marathwada – to name the three administrative
fragments of Maharashtra. (The natural segments of Maharashtra are Konkan
and the four riverine valleys of the Tapi, the pranhita, the Godavari,
and the Bhima and Krishna). At
the same time Bombay and, to a lesser extent, Pune served as radiating
centers for the whole of the Presidency – Sindh, Gujarat, and northwest
Karnataka no less than west Maharashtra.
while some casts and religious communities tended to retire into a
shell of added glory, others were quick to adapt themselves to the
new set-up and the life-style that went with it.
Three economically definable groups in Maharashtra became exposed
to the newer influences in relative isolation from each other, namely,
the professionals and office-goers (the so-called p¡¸·harpeš¡, or madhyam varga – containing
as it were counterparts of both the bhadralok and the babus
of Bengal), and the urban and urbanized
working classes (such as the Bombay mill hand and the army
private). The cultural leadership
passed from the Sanskrit Pandits and the landholders of the new ‘middle
class’. The educational, literary,
and intellectual activity, which was both an instrument and outgrowth
of change, was largely the handiwork of the first group.
The extension and reworking of commerce and industry on the
lines initiated by the British was the work of the second group. (It is awkward to apply the term Indian bourgeoisie
to both the first group and the second group indifferently, as some
Indian Marxists are apt to do.)
picture of the socio-cultural landscape of Maharashtra in this phase
will not be complete without a close look at what we have earlier
called the surviving past, the constructed past, and the refurbished
past. The relevant elements in each for the Indian Awakening in Maharashtra
can be set out as follows.
elements of the surviving past that made a difference were the prevalence
of the raiyatw¡r¢ system of landholding and land revenue
over the zam¢nd¡r¢
system especially in west Maharashtra), the stronger emphasis on the
worth of the bhakta greater
egalitarianism between the bhaktas, for whom God is anything
but a lord or thakur), the devaluation of ritualism (karmak¡nda) and sectarianism (the Shaiva
__neshvar being the patron
saint of the vaishnava v¡rkar¢s), a strong emphasis on additional
scholarship (especially in Vy¡karana,
and Ny¡ya), and a tradition of social criticism (as seen in the satire of Tukaram
scholarship actively joined hands with western scholars in reconstructing
the Indian and the regional past.
The panorama of history – whether it is man’s prehistory or
Classical and Medieval Europe or Ancient, Classical, and Medieval
India, or Medieval Maharashtra – became a vital fixture of consciousness.
Thus the rediscovery of Buddhism by Dharmanand Kosambi or of
Ajanta and Ellora by archaeologists or of Kautilya’s Arthaš¡stra created a stir beyond scholarly
of the exercises in refurbishing history that made a deep impression
on the middle class and even others are – the Vedic Aryans were seen
to be at once pastoral nomads with a simple life and civilizing agents
for pre-Aryan India; the Varkaris were seen as our very own Protestants
making Hinduism more democratic, less impersonal, and so more worthy
of being saved by the brave Maratha soldiery from the onslaught of
Islam picking up where the Rajputs had left off and being joined later
by the Sikhs. A history of
Old and Middle Marathi literature was written highlighting the tradition
of bhakti, of Sanskrit-based poetry, and the bards of the camp singing
of war and love (the trio of santa, panta and tanta
refurbishing of the past correlates with a certain projection of the
future of India (in which Maharashtra was to play a proud rôle). India was not only a nation struggling for
freedom after centuries of Islamic and British subjugation but also
a society internally striving for a just order within itself and externally
playing a vital role in a world order.
The vision of the past and the future was a part of a novel
non-cyclic time perspective that was informed by the idea of history
not merely as a storehouse of moral exempla but rather as a major
dimension of human life (enshrined in expressions like badalta
jamana and yugadharma).
then is the landscape against which to see the transformation of Marathi
literary sensibility over this period.
But isn’t literary sensibility but a part of artistic sensibility?
one uses expressions like Baroque Art (Continental Europe, the late
16th and the 17th centuries) or Romantic Art
(Western Europe, the late 18th and 19th centuries),
one thinks of the visual arts, music, as well as literature all together.
When one thinks of the cultivation of the arts in ancient India, one
thinks of Markandeya’s account (Visnudharmottara Pura¸¡, 6th century A.D., part
3, the dialogue with Vajra) as to how worship involves all the arts
and how each art involves the rest.
Even in Medieval India where a certain fragmentation sets in,
one could still find it useful to interrelate the 17th
century rise respectively of khayal singing of Hindustani classical
music, of the courtly version of Kathak dancing, of certain
modes of courtly poetry, and of certain styles of miniature painting.
With the arts of Modern India the fragmentation is complete.
The literary arts comprising poetry, fiction, essay, and literature-dominated
theatre and cinema stand together as one group by itself. (The remaining
groups are: (a) music, dance, and theatre dominated by these; (b)
painting, sculpture, and architecture; and (c) decorative and design
arts and recreative arts such as the commercial cinema and lately
the commercial theatre. The habilitation of Hindustani classical music
as a worthy modern pursuit was, it may be noted in passing, the gift
Maharashtra of this period the practice of the literary arts and the
thinking connected with them was associated with an awareness, if
not actual knowledge, of English language and literature as well as
Sanskrit language and literature. As the anthropologists would say,
the literary arts and ideology were open to modernization as well
as ‘Brahmanization’. The new
literary models from English were provided by the Golden Treasury
view of English poetry from the pre-Romantics like Gray to the post-Romantics
like Tennyson, by the essay from Addison to Carlyle, by the historical
novel of Scott, by the novel of social portrayal (svatantra s¡m¡jik
k¡dambar¢), and, last but not least, by the tragedies
of Shakespeare and the comedies of Moliere. Some of the other values
that Maharashtra assimilated from the English were – the place of
humour in life and in art; the recognition of the literary theatre
as art and as a social force (thee was hardly any Indian literary
theatre to speak of after the demise of the Classical Sanskrit theatre)
and consequently greater attention to the study of Sanskrit plays
(earlier study of Sanskrit literature put greater stress on narrative
poetry and didactic mukatas); the Enlightenment notion of the
‘great man’; and the Romantic idealization of love between the sexes
and of the creative genius. (Sanskrit ¿¤¸g¡ra
gave way to prema or pr¢ti and k¡vyaracan¡ to k¡vyanirmiti).
distinctive feature of the modern Marathi literary scene is that,
unlike the case, say, of modern, Telugu, the surviving past has no
further literary history beyond 1870 except as assimilated and transformed
in the modern context – there are no significant successors to the
santa,panta, and tanta poets (the only
exceptions that come to mind are, respectively, Dasganu, Sadhudas,
Patthe Bapurao, all of the early part of the 20th century).
values of European modernity – rationalism, utilitarianism, nationalism,
egalitarianism, individualism, secularism – naturally turned up in
the subject mater and content of literature which was seen as an educative
medium. What is more to the point is that some of these
values turned up in literary criticism and literary theorizing as
well. Indeed Marathi speakers
were not content, for example, with attempts to translate, write,
and stage tragedies but had to discuss this activity, to mount a critique
of the Sanskrit ban on the unhappy ending, and to account for the
strange enjoyment of the tragic form.
Literary criticism and literary theorizing (more recently,
aesthetics too) has been a preoccupation of the Marathi men of letters.
A brief consideration of what this kind of activity could lead
to in modern India is called for.
contemporary literary theorist in India enjoys a double heritage,
Classical and Medieval Indian literary thought and Classical and Modern
Western literary thought. It
is not as if he has a native and borrowed literary consciousness –
which would be a most unpromising predicament.
Rather he has to come to terms with his own composite literary
experience in terms of his own composite stock of ideas.
poetics up to and including the Enlightenment had moved in a certain
direction. Idealist philosophy
and Romantic criticism acutely sensed (as with Kant, Schlegel, Coleridge)
certain inadequacies in its excessive emphasis on the imitation of
and continuity with ordinary life in the realm of art.
Classical Sanskrit poetics is strong precisely in this respect. (The Western Indologists’ failure to perceive
this strength and transmit the insights to western literary thinkers
is a sad cause of an opportunity missed).
Indian poetics up to the Indian Awakening had moved in a certain direction.
The Indian literary thinkers of this period acutely sensed
certain inadequacies in its excessive emphasis on shared harmony and
on the transcendence of conflict and of personal need (no sharp departures,
no tragedies, and no cris de Coeur please!) and in its almost
total neglect of the other harmony of prose and of practical criticism
evaluating and interpreting specific texts and considering the problems
arising thereform. They were
fascinated and impressed, therefore, by Western theories of style
as personal expression, of tragedy, of lyric, of prose and by Western
modern consciousness, whether western or Indian, is not wholly content
with the tradition inherited; for one thing it defines its own problems. One of the first things it newly became aware
of was the dimension of the timely and the historical to literary
creation and appreciation, and the r²le
of the innovative creativity in forcing us from time to time to review
our ideas of art and literature.
III: A Case Study: The Marathi Response to Shakespeare
will be interesting and instructive to see some of these transformations
in the Marathi literary sensibility in statu nascendi in the
Marathi response to Shakespeare’s plays.
The present sketch is not a full-length study and not even
based on one – rather it is an agenda for one that might be undertaken
by someone in future.
response to Shakespeare is essentially literary in that there was
hardly any opportunity to watch the plays in the original. The original texts were a fixture of the ‘Compulsory English’ course
for undergraduates since the inception of university education. The
character of this response can be gathered from writings of the following
sort (including passing remarks):
Writings about Shakespeare’s plays as such (as in Apte 1912-8, Agarkar
Adaptations of Shakespeare’s plays of which there are probably more
than any other Indian language (there is a tantalizing reference in
Karandikar 1956 to Hamlet being adapted by the last Peshwa,
Nanasaheb, who was one of the leaders of the 1857 rebellion; after
the 1881 stage success of M.Kolhatkar’s Othello adaptations
became plentiful but, alas, mostly undertaken without insight or even
sense of responsibility);
Critiques of these adaptations (the poor quality of adaptations alarmed
many and Chiplunkar 1876, Apte 1883, 1883-4, Wagle 1884 for example
expressed their concern);
Accounts and critiques of the staging of these adaptations (Agarkar
1881a, for example, felt impelled to welcome the 1881 staging of Othello
editorially; the more popular stage plays in the long run were Agarkar’s
own Hamlet, so severely mauled by Apte; Deval’s Othello;
Kelar’s Taming of the Shew);
Original plays influenced by Shakespeare’s plays (significantly the
first serious play, V.J. Kirtane’s Thorle M¡dhavr¡v Pešve, 1861, was a tragedy modeled
on Shakespeare’s ‘histories’; Khadilkar’s Bh¡£bandki and others; Gadkari’s R¡jasamny¡sa Ekac Py¡l¡ and
others – sometimes it is this or that story motif or character detail,
sometimes it is the overall structure and mood of the play, sometimes
it is style and diction);
Relatively more theoretical discussions on the writing and staging
of plays (such as Marathe 1872 or passing remarks in N.J. Kirtane
the absence of a thorough and systematic study of the primary sources
and of any study of the secondary sources (including about half a
dozen unpublished doctoral dissertations in recent years), I can no
more than attempt some tentative observations on the Marathi response
to Shakespeare so as to relate it to the transformation of Marathi
The educated middle class was sufficiently impressed by Shakespeare
as to induce them to take theatre more seriously than was customary
at the time and undertake to remedy the absence of a literary theatre
by adapting and staging plays from Classical Sanskrit and from Shakespeare
and other Western playwrights. Thus, the group Aryodharak Mandali formed in
1880 by fresh college graduates like Tilak and N.V. Chhatre and blessed
by veteran scholars like the renowned mathematician of Deccan College
Keru Luxmon Chhatre proceeded to stage an adaptation of Visakhadatta’s
Ve¸¢saÆh¡ra from Sanskrit and V.M. Mahajani’s
Cymbeline and Mahadeoshastri Kolhatkar’s Othello from
Shakespeare. It is noteworthy that hardly any translations as distinct
from adaptations exist in Marathi (a notable exception is the very
liyar by G.V. Karandikar).
Shakespeare’s notable success in conveying the very form and pressure
of life in all its depth and detail induced the readers to identify
this power of a play as its most decisive and prized feature.
Citing K¡lid¡sa with approval (traigu¸yodhhava atra lokacaritaÆ n¡n¡rasaÆ
d¤šyate) Apte (1883-4) takes Agarkar (1883) to task
for taking a baldly ‘rational’ view of faithfulness to life. (Agarkar
looks askance at the use of verse and heightening and intensification
(atišayokti) in a play.)
Agarkar (1883a,b) boldly questions the validity of the commonplace
is the Shakespeare of India’ by arguing that not only was K¡lid¡sa no match for Shakespeare but even Bhavabh£ti excelled K¡lid¡sa in certain respects. This naturally drew a lot of fire from Apte
and others; it is noteworthy, however, that it was the placement of
that was questioned rather than the placement of K¡lid¡sa below
forte, argues Agarkar, was the erotic and the pathetic, Shakespeare’s
brims over with all nine of the rasas and reflects the world of man
both outer and inner in all its richness and variety.
Bhavabh£ti shows some of this variety, his erotic
develops into love, and his language is moulded by the dramatic occasion.
Neither K¡lid¡sa nor Bhavabh£ti are any match for Shakespeare in
the variety of incident and character and the range of imagination. Possibly, Agarkar speculates, Indian poets
were hampered by the lack of contact with other nations (a cultural
isolationism) and lack of acquaintance through history with other
One suspects that there
were other tacit arguments too. K¡lid¡sa
wastoo tame, too little of a rebel against the Establishment in contrast
to Bhavabhuti for the iconoclastic Agarkar’s liking. One also suspects that the Marathi reader was impressed by the combination
of refined subtlety and raw vigour in Shakespeare – a combination
that was rarely prized or attested in the Indian literary tradition.
Be that as it may, Shakespeare’s
achievement clearly compelled the Marathi reader to re-examine his
notions of literary and artistic greatness.
For the Marathi reader tragedy always means shakespearean tragedy.
Bharata’s injunction against theunhappy, especially fatal, ending
is seen (Agarkar 1881a, 1881b, Apte 1883) to impose an excessive constraint
on the playwright. Sanskrit plays like Shudraka’s M¤cchakatikam and Bhavbhuti’s Malatimadhavam
would have ended more naturally as tragedies.
Apte (1883) castigates Kanitkar’s Romeo and Juliet for
its happy ending and ridicules Kanitkar’s justification that the original
fatal ending wouldn’t be agreeable to the tender-hearted noble Indians
(kovly¡ man¡cy¡ hindusthanvasi aryajanans
ruc¸ar nahin). It is understandable that major playwrights
like Khadilkar and Gadkari felt that attempting a tragedy was a challenge
Other aspects of Shakespeare’s art that were felt to be worth emulating
included the light comedy of the very early examples like Twelfth
Night and the more farcial Taming of the Shrew and also
his diction. Gadkari’s style in particular emulates the
fine excess and Euphuistic exuberance of Shakespeare’s diction and
imagery; and in turn was emulated by others.
In those times the term bhasantar covered both straight translations
and adaptations (latterly called rupantar).
For the latter the term adharit was occasionally used.
The disservice that bad adaptations did to Shakespeare forced his
self-confessed admirer Apte (1883, 1883-4) to attempt formulating
canons of good adaptation and prevented him from sparing even the
adaptation of Hamlet by his teacher Agarkar.
Unfortunately the general standard of these adaptations continued
to be low – even the best of them capture the dramatic element but
miss the poetic element.
Such was the spell of
Shakespeare on the Marathi reader and writer.
One has only to look at the specifics of some of the polemics
and to relate these to the larger socio-cultural debates to appreciate
the flavour of the literary awakening in Maharashtra and to see how
the later was so much a part of the Indian Awakening.
a fuller development of some of the points made in the course of the
present essay the following may be consulted:
Bedekar, D.K. Kelkar, Ashok R. 1977, Marathi Literature
(1870-1970). In : Bhagwat,
Achyut Keshav, ed. Maharashtra – A Profile : Vishnu Sakharam Khandekar
felicitation volume. Kolhapur
Visnu Sakharam Khandekar Amrit Mahotsav Satkar Samiti, pp.228-50.
Kelkar,ashok R. 1982. “What English can (and cannot)
do for our young “The Literary Criterion (Mysore) 17:1.46-55.
Reprinted in: Narsimhaiah, C.D.; Srinath, C.N., ed. English: Its
Complementary role in India. Mysore: Dhvanyaloka, 1982.
Also in: New Quest (Pune) no.40. 221-7, July-August
--1984. “Classical Sanskrit poetics then and now”. The Literary Criterion (Mysore) 19:1.18-29.
Reprinted in : Narsimhaiah C.D.; Srinath, C.N. ed. A Common Poetic
for Indian Literature (Mysore: Dhvanyaloka, 1984. Revised and
enlarged version to appear in the proceedings of an international
colloquium, “Poetics east and west”, held at Victoria College, Toronto,
5-7 June 1987.
--1987, “The Arts in India Come of the Modern Age”. New Quest (Pune) no.56.95-101, March-April.
--; Bhave, Sadashiv s. 1988. “Bhakti in the Modern
Mode: Poems and Essays”. In Zelliot, Eleanor; Bernsten, Maxine, ed.
The Experience of Hinduism: Essays on Religion in Maharashtra
Albany, NY: State University of New York Press Pp. 297-320 Reprinted
in: South Asian Digest of Regional Writing (Heidelberg) vol.
6. 3-28, 1977.
B. The following are primary sources for
the case study that have been referred to.
This is by no means even a checklist.
Agarkar, G.G. 1881a. (Editorial) “Aryoddh¡rak ma¸·al¢ ¡ni ¡thelo
¶h¢ prayog”. Kesari (Pune 1.9: 1-2, March 1. Drew letters
to the editor in subsequent issues.
--1881b. (Editorial) “šeksapiyar, bhavabh£ti, k¡lid¡s”. Kesari
(Pune) 1:10:1-3, March 8. Extended reply to criticism of Agarkar 1881a.
--1883. (Introduction to his Marathi adaptation
of Hamlet). Vik¡ravilasit. Pune:Aryabhushan.
Apte, H.N. 1883. (Critique of N.B. Kanitkar’s Marathi
adaptation of Romeo and Juliet) Nibandha-candrik¡ (pune) nos. 7-9 June-Sept. 90 pp. Reprinted
in Malshe 1976.
--1883-4. (Critique of G.G. Agarkar;s Marathi adaptation
of Hamlet and G.G. Kanitkar’s Marathi adaptation of Hamlet).
Nibandha-candrik¡ (Pune) nos. 10-13 Oct-Jan. 249 pp.
Reprinted in Malshe 1976.
--1912-8 (Study of Shakespeare’s plays and poems)
Chiplunkar, V.S. 1876 (Critique of V.M. Mahajani’s
Marathi adaptation of Cymbeline) Nibandham¡l¡ (Pune)
Vol.3; no.60 (T¡r¡ n¡tak).
Kirtane, N.J. 1876 (Critique of V.J. Kirtane’s
play, Thorle M¡dhavr¡v Pešve, 1861) Š¡l¡patrak5:1,
K.B. 1872 N¡val
va n¡¶ak by¡n viÀayin nibandha. Pune. Reprinted
Wagle, S.S. 1884 (Critique of G.G. Agarkar’s Marathi
adaptation of Hamlet and G.V. Kanitkar’s adaptation of Hamlet.)
Vividhajnn ¡navist¡r (Pune) Feb-Oct. Also as a booklet:
Bombay: A.A. Moramkar, no date.
C. The following are the secondary sources
for the case study that have been referred to:
Karandikar, M.A. 1956 šeksapiyarcin
In: Watwe, G.M. ed. R£pakam:
Malshe, S.G. 1976,
Kai. Ba. n¡
¡p¶ek¤t šeksapiyarcy¡ r£p¡ntar¡nci
don pariksanen Iye
mar¡¶h¢ciye (Bombay) Feb-Nov. Being a reprint
of Apte 1883, 1883-4 with an introduction. Also as a booklet: Bombay:
Mumbai Marathi Granthasangrahalay, 1979.
was delivered in absentia at the 3rd International Conference
on Maharashtra Culture and Society, Heidelberg, June 1988 and published
in The Bombay (Literary) Review 1:1:56-65, June 1989.