1.1.
What is Nonverbal Behaviour?
What is nonverbal behaviour
and what does study of nonverbal include? Nonverbal behaviour refers to communication
human acts distinct from speech. Since nonverbal behaviour includes every communicative
human act other than speech (spoken or written), it naturally covers a wide variety
and range of phenomena: 'everything from facial expression and gesture to fashion
and status symbol, from dance and drama to music and mine, from flow of affect
to flow of traffic, form the territoriality of animals to the protocol of diplomats,
form extra-sensory of violence to the rhetoric of topless dancers' (Harrison,
1973).
The nonverbal behaviour is taken generally to include
facial and eye expressions, hand and arm gestures, postures, positions, use of
space between individuals and objects, and various movements of the body, legs
and feet. Since nonverbal behaviour is considered as distinct from speech, it
also includes silence as well as dropping of elements form speech and/or the missing
elements in speech utterances. There is a general consensus that, although nonverbal
behaviour means acts other than speech, in a broader sense nonverbal behaviour
includes also a variety of subtle aspects of speech variously called paralinguistic
or vocal phenomena. These phenomena include fundamental frequency range, intensity
range, speech errors, pauses, speech rate and speech duration. These features
are of a nature that somewhat eludes explicit description when used in communicative
contexts. In other words, these features are employed for implied meanings and
are not explicitly describable and/or stated through/as linguistic units. Also
included in discussions of nonverbal behaviour are other complex communication
phenomena, such as sarcasm, 'wherein consistent combinations of verbal and nonverbal
behaviour take on special significance in subtly conveying feeling' (Mehrabian,
1972).
Thus even though as a working definition nonverbal
behaviour is conceived to be everything other than speech, the boundary between
verbal and nonverbal is always blurred and there are certain aspects of speech
which fall within the domains of nonverbal behaviour. In view of this, it is not
surprising to find that the researchers have differed among themselves as regards
the definition and scope of the study of nonverbal behaviour.
For Argyle (1969),
nonverbal behaviour includes bodily contact, posture, physical appearance, facial
and gestural movement, direction of gaze and the paralinguistic variables of emotional
tone, timing and accent. Duncan (1969) includes body movement or kinesic behaviour,
paralanguage, proxemics, olfaction, skin sensitivity to temperature and touch,
and the use of artifacts. For Scheflen postural, tactile, odorific, territorial,
proxemicl vocal modalities of paralinguistic behaviours. Knapp (1972) includes
body motion, or kinesic behaviour, facial expression, physical characteristics,
eye behaviour, touching behaviour, paralanguage, proxemics, artifacts and environmental
factors. Poyotos (1977) proposes a classification of nonverbal phenomena based
on sensory channels, possible combinations of verbal and nonverbal and on the
interactional potential or otherwise of the behaviour. Thus, the sensory channels
involved are acoustic, visual, olfactory and tactile. The classes identified are
verbal-vocal, nonverbal-vocal, and nonverbal-nonvocal. Some acts are interactional
and come are not interactional. Harrison (1973) covers the nonverbal behaviour
domain under four codes: preformance codes based on bodily actions, artifactual
codes (the use of clothing, jewellery, etc.), mediational codes involving manipulation
of the media, and contextual codes such as employment of nonverbal signs in time
and space. Harper et al (1978) limit their consideration of nonverbal phenomena
to those that are most important in the structuring and occurrence of interpersonal
communication and the movement to movement regulation of the interaction. The
nonverbal phenomena include, for them, consideration of spatial (proxemic) aspects
of the physical setting of interaction, but not dress, use of artifacts and physical
characteristics, as constituting nonverbal behaviour. Note that all these definitions
generally centre around body area and body activities. Several of these also cover
the use of artifacts. Most of the definitions cover the user of paralanguage and
manipulation of certain aspects of speech under nonverbal behaviour.
In
this book nonverbal behaviour is studied from the following angles: (i) Proxemic,
(ii) Postural, (iii) Facial, (iv) Movement, (v) Paralanguage, (vi) Eye, (vii)
Silence, (viii) Perceptual features (artifacts) and (ix) Gesture. These features
are covered under several chapters. Chapter-1, apart from presenting the scope
and definition of nonverbal behaviour, discusses the relationship between verbal
and nonverbal communication and various approaches to the study of nonverbal communication.
Chapter-2 presents proxemic behaviour; Chapter-3 presents nonverbal communication
as expressed through eye and face; Chapter-4 discusses nonverbal behavioural aspects
of language use and silence; Chapter-5 discusses gesture; and Chapter-6 presents
salient features of nonverbal communication in abnormal individuals.
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1.2.
Relationship Between Verbal and Nonverbal Communication
There
are several ways in which the nonverbal behaviour is seen clearly related to verbal
behaviour. This relationship is one of dependence and also of independence. There
are nonverbal communicative acts that are easily and accurately translated into
words. Several gestures clearly illustrate this relationship. For example, the
gesture of folded hands for namaste, the gesture of handshake, a smile, a frown,
etc., are generally translatable into words. There is also a class of nonverbal
acts that are very much a part of speech and serves the function of emphasis.
Examples are head and hand movements that occur more frequently with words, and
phrases of emphasis. There are acts which draw pictures of the referents tracing
the contour of an object or person referred to verbally. Yet another class of
acts is employed for displaying the effects (feelings). Another class refers to
acts that help to initiate and terminate the speech of participants in a social
situation. These regulators might suggest to a speaker that he keep talking, that
he clarify, or that he hurry up and finish (Ekman and Friesen, 1969).
There are at least six ways in which the relationship between verbal and nonverbal
communication can be characterized. These area as follows:
(1)
The relationship between verbal and nonverbal communication is one of the latter
playing a supplementary role to the former. The nonverbal acts that are supplementary
to verbal acts may precede or follow or be simultaneous with the verbal acts.
For example, in many verbal acts one notices an accompaniment of one or more nonverbal
acts, such as gestures, facial expressions, and movement towards or away from
the addressee, to illumine the meaning of the former. While for any verbal acts
such an accompaniment may only be considered redundant, for several others, such
and accompaniment explicitness, clarity, emphasis, discrimination and reinforcement.
(2)
The relationship between verbal and nonverbal communication is also one of the
former playing a supplementary role to the latter. In many verbal acts, both in
children and adults, in normals with all the linguistic organs intact, and normals
with some handicap to the linguistic organs, as well as in abnormal individuals,
nonverbal acts may take precedence over the verbal acts in several ways. In the
normals with all the linguistic organs intact, occasions demand the use of nonverbal
acts such as pantomime and gestures for aesthetic purposes, and for purposes of
coded (secret) communication. Indulgence in nonverbal acts as primary medium is
also necessitated by the distance that separates the parties which can, however,
retain visual contact while engaging themselves in communication.
(3)
The relationship between verbal and nonverbal communication could be one of correspondence
as well. That is, there are several nonverbal acts that can be accurately translated
into words in the language of a culture in which such nonverbal acts are performed.
A handshake, shaking a fist at someone, a smile, and frown, etc., are all nonverbal
acts translatable into verbal medium in a particular language. The functions of
these nonverbal acts, context to context, are also codified in aesthetic nonverbal
acts, such as dance, sculpture and other arts. The correspondence is sometimes
translatable into words, sometimes into phrases and sentences, and several times
translatable into compressed episodes involving lengthy language discourses. But
the correspondence is there all the same and the import of this correspondence
is shared between individuals within a community. There is also yet another correspondence
of nonverbal acts in the sense that similar nonverbal acts could mean different
things in different cultures.
(4) Yet another relationship
between a verbal act and a nonverbal act is one of dependence. A verbal act may
depend for its correct interpretation entirely on a nonverbal act. Likewise a
nonverbal act may depend for its correct interpretation entirely on a verbal act.
In extreme circumstances, the former is caused because of deliberate distortion
of the verbal act, or because of the difficulty in listening clearly to the verbal
act, or because of the difficulty in reading with clarity what is intended to
be read in the written verbal message. Deliberate distortion is not found only
in contrived acts such as poetry or drama. It is done in day to day language itself.
Distortion and opacity of the verbal message are also required in certain socio-cultural
contexts wherein it is demanded that verbal acts be suppressed and made dependent
on nonverbal acts. The dominant nonverbal acts also depends on verbal acts for
clarity. This dependence also depends on verbal acts for clarity. It also occurs
in daily life.
(5) Verbal and nonverbal acts can be independent
of one another. Something is communicated through a verbal act. The continued
manifestation of this communicative act may be in the form of nonverbal acts.
That is, in a single communicative act, part of the message may be in verbal form
and the rest in nonverbal, in an alternating way. Each part is independent of
the other. This is contrived in poetry and drama. It is also found in every day
life. An extreme form of this independence is the gulf that we notice between
what one says and what one does. Also prevarication both in word and deed derives
its strength, among others, from this feature.
(6) Another
relationship between verbal and nonverbal acts in one of non-relevance. This is
most commonly found in normal adult speech and its accompanying gestures which
are produced simply without any communicative intent. We move our hands, snap
our fingers, move our bodies while speaking, with these gestures having no relevance
to the speech we make. When this non-relevance between verbal and nonverbal acts
found in normal is shifted to non-relevance or irrelevance within the ingle domain,
within speech itself or within nonverbal act itself (during which coherence in
speech or act is lost), we start considering the individual abnormal in some way.
That is, non-relevance across the verbal and nonverbal media is normal, but non-relevance
within a single medium is abnormal. The non-relevance is idiosyncratic and could
be limitational as well. In the normals the excessive non-relevance of nonverbal
acts accompanying speech comes to hamper the understanding of the verbal acts.
Harrison
(1973) has suggested the following functions for nonverbal communications:
(1)
Nonverbal signs define, conditions, and constrain the system; for example, time,
place and arrangement may provide cues for the participants as to who is in the
system, what the pattern of interaction will be, and what is appropriate and inappropriate
communication content.
(2) Nonverbal signs help regulate
the system, cueing hierarchy and priority among communicators, signalling the
flow of interaction, providing meta-communication and feedback.
(3)
Nonverbal signs communicate content, sometimes more efficiently than linguistic
signs but usually in complementary redundancy to the verbal flow.
Ekman
and Friesen (1969) specify five general functions for nonverbal behaviour, namely,
repetition, contradiction, complementation, accent and regulation. In repetition
there is both verbal and nonverbal expression made simultaneously, where one will
do. In contradiction, the verbal and nonverbal behaviours contradict one another
as in the case of a verbal praise in a sarcastic tone. In accent, spoken words
are emphasized through nonverbal acts. Through the use of eye contact, gestures
and others, nonverbal behaviour is employed to regulate human interaction and
communication.
Based on the above brief discussion, we
find that the relationship between verbal and nonverbal behaviours can be considered
as follows:
(1) The relationship between verbal and nonverbal
communication is one of the latter playing a supplementary role to the former.
(2) The relationship between verbal and nonverbal communication could be one of
the former playing a supplementary role to the latter.
(3) The relationship
between verbal and nonverbal communication could be one of correspondence.
(4) The relationship between verbal and nonverbal communication could be one of
mutual dependence.
(5) The relationship between the two
could also be one of independence from one another.
(6)
The relationship between the two could be one of non-relevance as well.
(7) The relationship between verbal and nonverbal communication could be one of
one repeating the message of the other.
(8) The relationship
between verbal and nonverbal communication could be one act contradicting the
other.
(9) The relationship between verbal and nonverbal
communication could also be one of mutual emphasis.
(10)
Finally, the relationship between the two could also be one of mutual regulation.
While the study of verbal behaviour and nonverbal has been done independently
in several disciplines, the relationship between the two has not received the
attention it deserves. Human communication is a wholesome fusion of both verbal
and nonverbal acts. This fusion appears to have both physiological (genetic) as
well as socio-cultural consequences. The fusion of verbal and nonverbal behaviours
in a communicative act marks the human species distinct from other species. That
is, the manner in which the fusion between verbal and nonverbal acts has taken
place in humans marks the humans distinct from other species. Also, societies
and cultures are exploitation of this fusion of verbal and nonverbal acts for
varying contexts, pursuits and purposes. Moreover, various cognitive disorders,
including language disorders, found in humans can be seen as those of differences
in the degree and manner of fusing the verbal and nonverbal behaviours.
That the verbal and nonverbal behaviours are closely related is well recognized
by all. Socialization processes in every society insist upon mastery and exploitation
of this relationship in both children and adults in their communication modes.
For example, what postures, voice modulations, facial expressions, gestures, etc.,
that one should or should not employ in a particular context for a particular
pursuit and purpose are all predetermined in cultures. Deviations from the well-set
norm are allowed certain effects only. Deviations are also classified into several
abnormal varieties. In esssence, what makes communication essentially human is
the intrinsic binding within all such communication between verbal and nonverbal
facets.
This binding between verbal and nonverbal behaviour
is the result of their phylogeny. Some have claimed that the same deep cognitive
system is used in language and nonlinguistic behaviour . Some have claimed that
nonverbal behaviour is a developmentally earlier and more primitive form of communication
which man shares with animals (Werner, 1957). Reusch (1955) distinguishes between
analogically and digitally coded information. The analogically coded information
contains the immediate state of felling of the individual. There is a continuous
relationship between the events and the interacting individuals. The digitally
coded information is verbally or numerically coded information which employs discrete
units such as words and numbers. The digitally coded information is much more
divorced from the interacting individuals than the analogically coded information.
These, unlike the analogically coded information, pertain to matter which may
or may not be temporally or spatially tied to the prevailing interaction. Also
the information could be resent in propositional form. Reusch suggests that actions,
practical or expressive, convey their messages analogically whereas words and
discrete symbols convey their message digitally. According to Reusch, the analogic
codification occurred first in the development of communication. Also, analogic
codification is viewed as related phylogenetically than digital codification to
all communication. While the latter (digital codification) is more amenable for
conscious control, the former is not and this is also taken to indicate the precedence
of analogic codification over digital codification.
Nonverbal
behaviours reflect very basic social orientations that are correlates of major
categories in the cognition of social environments (Plaget, 1960). In other words,
the nonverbal behaviours pursued in a society reveal the orientations towards
interactions between persons that individual members of that society consider
as basic. There are also common cognitive and behavioural dimensions for both
animal and human social systems. Hence, some have claimed that primates, in particular,
can provide complementary information, about certain aspects of affect and attitude
communication in humans (Sommer, 1967). That is, the observation of animal social
interactions can complement the study of individuals of a single culture and provide
corraboration for identified dimensions of social interaction. Furthermore, it
has been suggested by many that nonverbal behaviour is also produced by the same
underlying processes employed in the production of linguistic utterance and that
it shares some of the structural properties of the speech it accompanies.
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1.3. Research Strategies
Research
strategies employed in the study of nonverbal behaviour can be grouped as those
following or falling within linguistic methodologies, methodologies of anthropological
investigations and methodologies of psychological investigations. Note, however,
that within each of these major pursuits there are several variations based on
the approaches and aims of schools within these disciplines. Also note that there
are mutual influences found among these strategies. Some of the strategies are
not followed widely and some have become strategies rather clearly identified
with individual scholars.
1.3.1. Linguistically-oriented
Studies of Nonverbal Behaviour
Modern
linguistics, both Indian and Western, does not include study of nonverbal behaviour
as part of grammar. There are elements of nonverbal behaviour, or rather elements
shared both by verbal and nonverbal behaviour, such as implied meanings (presupposition,
illocutionary acts whose implications could be brought out by paraphrase etc.)
that are sought to be treated within grammar in modern times. However, these attempts
have become characteristics of certain off-beat grammatical studies, rather than
the core or integral part of grammatical approaches and general practice. In contrast,
traditional Indian studies of language always include study of nonverbal behaviour
as an integral part of grammar (See below 1.3.5 for a brief descriptive statement
and summary). Bloomfield (1933) distinguished between the act of speech and other
occurrences which he called practical events. Any incident for him consisted of
three parts, in order of time: practical events preceding the act of speech, speech
itself, and practical events following that act of speech. While there is, thus,
a recognition of occurrence of both speech and nonspeech acts in a communicative
act, linguists generally focus upon speech rather than on the practical events
preceding, accompanying and following act of speech. In general, linguists ignore
the nonverbal concomitants of verbal act.
Linguistically-oriented
studies of nonverbal behaviour are, indeed, very few and those few studies also
generally aim at adequacy of language description by way of describing such nonverbal
behaviours that impinge on verbal behaviour and/or exploit verbal-like elements
in the nonverbal act. Moreover, the linguistically-oriented studies of nonverbal
behaviour extend the method of description and transcription of linguistic elements
to a description and transcription of nonverbal behaviour. A clear case of linguisticlly-oriented
description of nonverbal behaviour is that of Trager (1958). Another study is
that of West (1963) who seeks to identify sign language units corresponding to
linguistic units, such as words, clauses, phrases and sentences.
Trager
recognizes that communication is more than language. Although linguistics aims
at the description of language as a system of communication, linguists limit themselves
to examination of such parts of linguistic structures as they could define and
examine objectively. In view of this self-imposed restriction, communication systems
other than language remain outside their purview of research. Trager finds this
an unsatisfactory approach to the study of language and seeks to devise ways and
means to describe systems adjunct to language. Trager calls the study of language
and its attendant phenomena as macrolinguistics and divides it into prelinguistics,
microlinguistics, and metalinguistics. Prelinguistics is said to include physical
and biological events. The statement of the relationship between language and
any of other cultural systems constitute metalinguistics while microlinguistics
is linguistics proper.
Communication, according to Trager
(1958), is divided into language, vocalizations and kinesics. Language employs
certain noises made by organs of speech. It combines these noises into recurrent
sequences and arranges these sequences in systematic distributions in relation
to each other and in reference to external world. Vocalizations do not have the
structure of language and consist of variegated noises. vocalizations also include
modifications of language and other noises. In general, vocalizations may be seen
as consisting of paralanguage, voice set and voice qualities. Variegated noises
other than language ones, and modified language and other noises together are
called paralanguage. Voice set involves the physiological and physical peculiarities
of noises. With the help of these peculiarities we identify individuals as members
of a societal group. We identify them as belonging to certain set, age, state
of health, body build, rhythm state, position in a group, mood, bodily condition
and location. Many other identifications are also made. Voice qualities consist
of matters such as intonation. These are recognizable as forming part of actual
speech events and are identified in what is said and heard. Trager lists the following
as voice qualities identified so far-pitch range, vocal lip control, glottis control,
pitch control, articulation control, rhythm control, resonance and tempo.
The
voice set and voice qualities are over all or background characteristics of the
voice, whereas the vocalizations are identifiable noises. All these are different
from language sounds proper. Trager identifies three kinds of vocalizations constituting
paralanguage. These are vocal characterizers, vocal qualifiers and vocal segregates.
The vocal characterizers are laughing, crying, giggling, swickering, whimpering,
sobbing, yelling and whispering, moaning, groaning, whining, breaking, belching
and yawning. The vocal qualifiers are those of intensity, pitch height, and extent.
Vocal segregates are items, such as uh-uh, uh-huh and uh, sh! These are sounds
which do not fit into phonological and/or word frames in sequences in a language.
Trager
has viewed study of paralanguage as contributing directly to an understanding
of kinesics (study of movement, posture and position individuals assume in their
interaction). It may be that in their overall structure these two fields of human
behaviour may be largely analogous to each other. For all the variables identified,
Trager provides symbols for transcription. The scope of description of the nonverbal
behaviour is limited to descriptions of sound features and their functions in
manifest behaviour. Thus, even in Trager's efforts, while the importance of nonverbal
behaviour for a total description of communication process is recognized, its
accomodation in the discipline of linguistics is only towards an illumination
and adequate coverage of linguistic behaviour. Also the method of description
of nonverbal behaviour is always an extension of the methods of study of linguistic
behaviours. Attempts are also made, in this process of extension, to posit corresponding
levels of linguistic and nonverbal behaviour.
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1.3.2.
Anthropologically-oriented Studies of Nonverbal Behaviour
The
anthropologically-oriented studies of nonverbal behaviour have a long history.
The sign languages of the aboriginals, the communication processes carried on
through (non-sign language) gestures, postures, and exchange of goods and rituals,
etc., have been discussed in anthropological studies. Nineteenth century American
anthropologists showed a lot of interest in the aboriginal sign languages of the
Americas. They recognized that the conventional gestural codes employed by American
Indians (Red Indians) are independent communication systems which have the range
and flexibility found in speech. This recognition is still continued as we find
in the works of Kroeber characterizing the sign language communication as follows:
'What makes it an effective system of communication is that it did not remain
on a level of naturalness, spontaneity, and full transparency, but made artificial
commitments, arbitrary choices between potential expressions and meanings'. The
early 19th century work by Colonel Garrick Mallery, who made a collection and
study of North American Plains sign language gestures and made a comparison of
the same with other codes such as gestures and sign languages of the deaf, gave
an impetus to modern interests in nonverbal communication processes in the West.
This interest and study influenced anthropological studies in the beginning. At
one time nonverbal behaviour within anthropological studies focused only on gestures.
Later on other aspects of nonverbal behaviour were also studied. And very soon,
in modern anthropology, culture itself began to be viewed as communication. Yet
the study of nonverbal communication, in the sense of communication as it is effected
through behaviour whose communicative significance cannot be achieved in any other
way, is only a recent introduction to anthropology. However, even today the communication
processes in the sense of oral and nonverbal interaction has not attracted much
attention in anthropological studies. To quote Codere (1966) 'the subjects of
gestures, medicine, or games are rarely considered in any single volume ethnography
and are even more rarely given any extended treatment.... Once the major ethnographic
topics of social organization, economic organization and religion are dealt with,
the task is not done if it is defined as giving and sense or indication of the
richness and complexity of the culture concerned. Yet why do such topics as technology,
the yearly round, and the life cycle have a secure conventional place as secondary
topics; such topics as humour and the three mentioned here, no place at all; and
such topics as the arts only, and occasional one'. However, in the evolution of
studies on nonverbal behaviour as a comprehensive and perhaps an independent discipline,
anthropology has played a crucial role. Hall's study of proxemics (See, Chapter-2)
has revolutionalized ideas, assumptions and identification of domains of nonverbal
behaviour studies. And Hall's contributions come from anthropological bases. If
the study of aboriginals' signs is considered the precursor of modern anthropologically-oriented
studies of nonverbal behaviour, Hall's contributions have led the anthropologically-oriented
nonverbal behaviour studies to explore areas such as proxemics that have become
since then bases of ideas and assumptions as well as subject matter of experimental
investigations on nonverbal behaviour. Likewise Birdwhistell's works present a
formal tool for a description and understanding of nonverbal communication.
Birdwhistell's
research strategy (Birdwhistell, 1970) is a clear and illustrious example of the
influence of linguistics on the study of nonverbal behaviour. Influenced by development
s in American structural linguistics, Birdwhistell makes a very significant contribution,
adopting and effectively modifying underlying concepts, methods, and tools of
transcription and description of units of language, as propounded and practised
in neo-Bloomfieldian structural linguistics. According to Birdwhistell, our communication
system is not something we invented but rather something which we internalized
in the process of becoming man. Also, research on communication as a systematic
and structured organization could not be initiated until we have some idea about
the organization of society itself. Bridwhistell contends that communication is
multi-channel. It includes both language and paralanguages it also includes gesture
and kinesics. There is the inter dependence of visible and audible behaviour in
the flow of conversation. Meaning includes both the contents of words and other
measures. Also, not all shifts of the human body are not of equal importance or
significance to the human communicational system. 'As the organs involved in breathing
and swallowing are also involved in vocalic communicative behaviour, so also is
the activity of the skin, musculature, and skeleton involved in communicative
behaviour. Which particular behaviours are of patterned communicative value, and
thus abstractable without falsification, can be determined only by the systematic
investigation of the behaviour in the communicational context' (Birdwhistell,
1970). So, what Birdwhistell seeks is not idiosyncratic nonverbal behaviour but
patterned behaviour within individuals and across individuals and a systematic
study of the same.
Birdwhistell believes that the investigation
of human communication by means of linguistic and kinesic techniques is desirable
and relevant, Body motion is a learned form of communication, which is patterned
within a culture and which can be broken down into an ordered system of isolable
elements, just as language. Hence, Birdwhistell pursues the research for communication
units based upon linguistic and kinesic analysis. The dependency of Birdwhistell's
analysis of body motion on structural linguistics is seen throughout his work.
He also finds that such a dependency is not without handicap:
'Techniques
and theories developed over the last 2000 years of linguistic research are now
and may in the future remain quite relevant for kinesic research and are absolutely
necessary to communicational research. However, these techniques are not all immediately
and without adaptation transferable to kinesic research. For example, the informant
technique, so basic to research on spoken language, is difficult to control in
the investigation of kinesic material'.
The influence of
linguistics in Birdwhistel's study of kinesic behaviour is clearly seen in his
coinage of technical terms for the description of kinesic behaviour, identification
of units of kinesic behaviour, correspondence of units between kinesic and linguistic
behaviour, method of identification of units, description of units, transcription
of units and building up of smaller units into components of larger units. In
all these, we find Birdwhistell adopting terms from linguistics. Parallel between
linguistic behaviour and kinesic behaviour is rather too manifestly emphasized.
This does not mean, however, that Birdwhistell has simply transferred linguistics
to the analysis of nonverbal behaviour or that he has nothing new to offer by
way of analysis of nonverbal behaviour. Birdwhistell's contribution lies not only
in showing the applicability of linguistic analytical tools and methods to kinesic
behaviour, but also in itself in several cultures. He has also demonstrated the
parallel characteristics of different modalities of communication. We present
a few of his contributions in our chapter on proxemics.
Another
significant anthropologically-oriented study of nonverbal behaviour is that of
E. T. Hall (1959, 1969 and 1977). While Birdwhistell focuses his attention on
the description of kinesic behaviour in formulaic expressions, involving a number
of derived technical terms, Hall looks at nonverbal behaviour from a descriptive,
ethnographic angle with out much technical terms and formulaic expressions. Hall's
approach to study of nonverbal behaviour is decidedly anthropological and very
much ethnographic and crosscultural as well as meant to be a guide for a better
world of understanding, tolerance and insightful utilization of human resources:
it is also linguisticaally influenced at least in its origins. There is not much
of an influence of linguistic terms but there is a sharing of concepts from structural
linguistically influenced of linguistic terms but there is a sharing of concepts
form structural linguistics. However, Hall's work is more an anthropologist's
study of nonverbal behaviour. His transcription system does not draw from linguistic
as much as the Birdwhistell's system draws from linguistics. Also, Hall's work
is more a comparative ethnographic study of nonverbal behaviour whereas Birdwhistell's
approach generally restricts itself to the description of nonverbal behaviour,
in particular, the kinesic behaviour of a group without resorting to any comparison
of the same with others.
E. T. Hall considers that culture
is bio-basic; it is rooted in biological activities. There is an unbroken continuity
between the very distant past and the present in the sense that although man is
a culture-producing animal at present, there were times when that was non man
and no culture. There was infra-culture that preceded culture. This infra-culture
became elaborated by man into culture. Hall argues that by going back to infra-culture
we could demonstrate the complex biological bases upon which human behaviour has
been built at different times in the history of evolution. Infra-culture is behaviour
on lower organizational levels that underlie culture. Hall suggests (along with
his colleague Linguist Trager) that the number of infra-cultural bases are indeed
few and bear little or no apparent relationship to each other on the surface.
These are called Primary Message Systems. There are then system:
(1)
Interaction,
(2) Association,
(3) Subsistence,
(4) Bisexuality,
(5) Territoriality,
(6) Temporality,
(7) Learning,
(8) Play,
(9)
Defence, and
(10) Exploitation (use of materials).
Note
that only the first, the primary message system of interaction, involves language.
All other systems are nonlinguistic forms of communication. Hall finds that language
is the most technical of the message systems. It is to be used as a model for
the analysis of others. In other words, Hall implies that the analysis of other
forms of communication may follow the procedures of analysis of language. He also
emphasizes that in addition to language there are other ways in which man communicates
that either reinforce or deny what he has said with words. Nonverbal behaviour
is an integral part of culture and it includes not only acts but also material
objects having the potential for communication:
'Like a
telephone system, any communication system has three aspects: its over-all structure,
comparable to the telephone network; its components, comparable to switch boards,
wires and telephones; and the message itself, which is caried by the network.
Similarly messages can be broken down into three components: sets (like words),
isolates (like sounds), and patterns (like grammar or syntax). A breakdown of
messages into these components, sets, isolates, and patterns is basic to understanding
culture as communication'.
Patterns are implicit cultural
rules by which sets are arranged to give meaning. For example, most people take
horses as a single set whereas a trainer of horses examines a number of sets such
as height, weight, length of barrel, thickness of chest, depth of chest, configuration
of the neck and head, stance, coat conditions, hoofs and gait. These are seen
as isolates by laymen but the trainers of horses see them as sets leading on to
patterns. Order, selection and congruence characterize the system of communication.
Hall's major investigations centre around man's use of space. Every living thing
has physical boundary that separates it from its external environment. That space
communicates is well recognized in all societies. Space as an informal cultural
system is studied by Hall in all its details. Formal patterning of space has varying
degrees of importance and complexity. Use of space is closely linked with status
as well. Hall investigates the use of space by humans in relation to distance
regulation in animals, crowding and social behaviour in animals, distance receptors
such as eyes, ears and nose, immediate receptors such as skin, and muscles, visual
space, and use of space in cross-cultural contexts. Hall's investigations also
exploit literary works and other arts to an understanding of use of space by individuals,
social groups and different language communities. Hall presents his work on use
of space for a better understanding of different peoples and their cultures, and
for a better world of living and understanding. He finds that literally thousands
of our experiences teach us unconsciously that space communicates. A painstaking
and laborious process awaits one who wishes to uncover the specific cues. The
child who is learning the language cannot distinguish one space category from
another by listening to other talk (example are, He found a place in her heart,
He has a place in the mountains, I am tired of this place, and so on). In spite
of thsi the children are able to make the difference between various space terms
from the very few cues provided by others: Space as an informal cultural system
is different from space as it is technically elaborated by classroom geography
and mathematics. Hall seeks to identify what space is in various cultures, how
it is interwoven with individual and social behaviour, how space comes to communicate
various values and how its use becomes the diagnostic marker of various individual
and social values. Hall is the one who systematized the study of space in human
interactions and brought out various crucial facts underlying use of space. All
this he does taking and interdisciplinary attitude, but all the same the approach
is anthropologically-oriented.
It is seen from the study
of literature on nonverbal behaviour that modern growth of explicitly stated studies
in communicative nonverbal behaviour in communicative interactions, especially
in the United States, indeed, is closely linked with the contributions of Trager,
Birdwhistell and Hall. Trager's contributions remained an island, continue to
be so even now within linguistic, which, while giving a spurt to investigations
of language-related disciplines, has somehow continued to treat nonverbal behaviour
studies an a peripheral matter. A remarkable fact is that in spite of the very
many attractions within his own paradigm, calling him to go beyond languae variables
and to attack variables that impinge on nonverbal behaviour, the linguist in Trager
has not strayed beyond what is strictly and formally linguistic (according to
trager) and relevant to an understanding of nonverbal behaviour. Birdwhistell's
investigations continue but not with many adherents, and yet his investigations
have a distinct bearing on studies of nonverbal behaviour. Hall's work is largely
absorbed in the current experimental investigations of nonverbal behaviour although
it is generally restricted only to some aspects of nonverbal behaviour. Hall's
work, unlike those of man other authors, has also caught the imagination of popular
science writers leading on to both insightful investigations of nonverbal behaviour,
and to speculations. All said and done, anthropologically-oriented approaches
to the study of nonverbal behaviour is a continuing and positive aspect of nonverbal
behaviour studies and enriches the experimental investigation by providing possible
and insightful variables for research and for cross cultural validation of experimental
findings.
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1.3.3.
Psychologically-oriented Approaches to the Study of Nonverbal Behaviour
The
psychologically-oriented approaches to the study of nonverbal behaviour are many
and they currently dominate the nonverbal communication research scene. Some psychologically-oriented
studies focus upon the association of psychological states with nonverbal behaviours.
The nonverbal behaviours are taken to be indicative of underlying psychological
states. In these studies description on nonverbal behaviour is linked with the
description of psychological states of the individuals emitting nonverbal behaviour.
In another approach, the studies focus upon observers. The observers are asked
to interpret the given nonverbal behaviour in terms of psychological states. These
are studies that involve decoding of nonverbal behaviours presented to observes.
In encoding studies, different situations, to which corresponding attitudes are
explicitly ascribable and clearly linked and elicited, are identified, subjects
are placed in these situations and their responses measured. These studies are
generally of a role playing type. There is also another approach in which various
choices of nonverbal behaviours are presented to subjects. They are asked to indicate
their preference among situations. That is, subjects are asked to choose among
forms or combinations of behaviour to communicate various attitudes. Evaluation
these approaches, Mehrabian (1972) suggests that whereas encoding methods are
appropriate in the beginning stages of communication research, the last mentioned
above, which he calls the encoding-decoding method, is appropriate for highly
developed phrases of nonverbal behaviour research.
The
psychologically-oriented approaches have led to a wider coverge of a variety of
nonverbal behaviours. Currently studies of all forms of nonverbal behaviour, such
as crowding, space utilization, visual behaviour, facial expressions, abnormal
nonverbal behaviour are generally initiated and enriched by the emergence of psychologically-oriented
researches. These researches can be traced back to the beginning of modern psychological
investigations. After all, retrieval of meanings of human behaviour, and interpretation
of human behaviour have been the major purpose of psychology. The specific communicative
means of behaviour have always been subject matter of investigation along with
the behaviour itself. A salient feature of psychologically-oriented studies of
nonverbal behaviour is the exploitation of statistical measures which are generally
not resorted to (or even avoided) in the linguistically and anthropologically-oriented
studies. Also, in contrast to linguistically and anthropologically-oriented studies,
the psychologically-oriented studies of nonverbal behaviour are mainly experimental
studies, hardly based exclusively on observations. These studies are generally
based on individual psychological factors, rather than on social factors, although
the social function is not lost sight of. Moreover, the feeling, attitudes and
evaluations of individuals are the basic referents of nonverbal behaviour in these
studies. Confirmation of these behaviours across statistically significant sets
of populations leads on to the social basis, and to confirmation and revelation
of the social function of thus proven nonverbal behaviours. In addition, these
studies also aim at identification of variables of nonverbal behaviours in communicative
contexts. For example, some studies focus on status, positive-ness, etc.
Generally speaking, the psychologically-oriented studies of nonverbal behaviour
are typically articles in research journals based on controlled experiments focusing
on limited variables. Validation or rejection of hypotheses, description and explanation
of processes involved and an attempt at bringing out a hierarchy of events and
variables involved and the hidden processes through an understanding of manifest
processes become the focus of these psychologically-oriented studies of nonverbal
behaviour. All aspects of nonverbal behaviour are sought to be dealt with under
experimental conditions. Accordingly a lot of energy is expended not on identifying
facets and aspects of nonverbal behaviour per se, but on means to bring out the
observed nonverbal behaviour variables in a form suitable for controlled experiments.
The significance of these variables are hypothesized beforehand and their validity
proved or disproved in the experiments. In the process, however, several new meanings
hither to hidden are identified and a pattern as well as a hierarchy is established.
The psychologically-oriented studies of nonverbal behaviour, naturally, are influenced
by various models of psychology, particularly of learning. The psychologically-oriented
studies of nonverbal behaviour, in a manner of speaking, have become the central
part of all nonverbal behaviour studies. These studies are more in number, cove
most of the aspects of nonverbal behaviour, attract more investigators and students,
and accommodate findings on nonverbal behaviour worked out in other fields, such
as linguistic, anthropology and semiotics.
Since most of
the psychologically-oriented studies are independent articles, the overall assumptions
of psychologically-oriented nonverbal studies are not generally explicitly stated.
Mehrabian (1972) suggests that any attempt at a comprehensive description of findings
in the study of nonverbal of behavioural cues that are studied (e.g., eye contact,
distance leg, and foot movements, facial expressions, voice qualities). Further,
the description should also account for the relationships among these cues, the
relationships between these and the feelings, attitudes, and personalities of
the communicators, and the qualities of the situations in which the communications
occur. Note that this scheme is carried out with well designed tools of questionnaires
administered orally or usually under appropriate situations for both controlled
and experimental groups. Also, appropriate statistical measures are applied to
data thus obtained to prove or disprove proposed hypotheses.
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1.3.4.
Semiotically-oriented Studies of nonverbal Behaviour
Where
psychologically-oriented studies of methods and findings, subjecting them to statistical
measures and arriving at theoretical models that are generally found in psychology
proper, semiotics draws facts from different disciplines and views them from the
points of view of sign theory or theories. There is no experiment conducted as
a matter of routine, or as a norm in semiotic investigations. Observation, and
reasoning out the inter-relationships between observed facts, identification of
patterns, validation of facts based o patterns worked out, and identification
of/or bringing out manifestly the covert processes through proposals as regards
patterns and dynamic processes dominate semiotic investigations. There is, indeed,
no model building in semiotic investigations in the sense of forming schools and
restricting pursuits within the assumptions and postulates of the school. However,
there is a body of knowledge contributed by different scholars as regards the
nature, function and componential features of signs and their inter-relationships.
There are also procedures, generally not stated explicitly but found practised
in most of the semiotic investigations.
The semiotically-oriented
studies of nonverbal behaviour view it as constituting semiotic systems involving
various types of signs. Investigations may be carried out based on models of experimental
psychology by individual authors. They may, however build their theory and explanations
in a semiotic fashion, taking the sign value of facts as crucial. The semiotic
analysis of nonverbal behaviour is mainly the interpretation and explanation of
date collected through other means. This interpretation and explanation, however,
leads on to newer insights and identification of hitherto unknown facts. This
is, indeed, one of the major strengths and achievements of the semiotic methods.
The semiotically-oriented studies of nonverbal behaviour, generally speaking,
compare and contrast the verbal with the nonverbal behaviour. This comparison
and contrast takes on the presentation of features involved in a binary opposition.
It is also shown as to how the features balance themselves in a communicative
act. In this analysis, hidden processes and new information and variables are
also revealed and added on.
A sign is everything which
can be taken as significantly substituting for something else. This something
else does not necessarily have to exist or actually be some where at the moment
in which a sign stands in for it. Saussure (1915) implicitly regarded sign as
a communicative device taking place between two human beings intentionally aiming
to communicate or to express something. Not all signs are, however, communicative
signs. For example, black clouds are a sign of rain, but we don not communicate
with it; the clouds do not respond to us. The communicative signs are all artifacts
expressed by persons. Unless there is a response to a sign, the sing cannot be
interpreted and is not considered an communicative sign. As Cherry (1980) points
out, any artifact may possibly be a sign (a scratch on a stone, a printed mark,
a sound - anything), but its sign-hood arises solely from the observer's assumption
that it is a sign: 'Signs are outward happenings and thus are observable, which
calls for interpretation, or meaning. Such interpretation is of course mental
(not observable) so it is revealed by a response sign or reply. All signs require
another sign to interpret them; no event can exist as a working system of signs'
(Cherry, 1980). Note that nonverbal behaviour does fall within the system of signs
directly and immediately, because nonverbal behaviours are acts of communication.
Peirce (1931-1935) finds sign as something which stands to somebody for something
in some respects or capacity. Morris (1938) suggests that something is a sign
only because it is interpreted as a sign of something by some interpreter. Eco
(1977) defines sign as everything that, on the grounds of previously established
social convention, can be taken as something standing for something else. It has
been defined as a proposition constituted by a valid and revealing connection
to its consequent, when this association is culturally recognized and systematically
coded.
Half a dozen possible relationships are empirically
found to prevail between the signifier and the signified. Signifier is the sound
or visual image of a sign. Signified is the concept aspect of a sign. Both the
signified and the signifier are dialectically united in the sign. The six species
of the sign are as follows (Sebeok, 1976):
(1) Signal: When
a sign token mechanically (naturally) or conventionally triggers some reaction
on the part of a receiver, it is said to function as a signal. Examples of signals
are the exclamation 'go!' or alternatively the discharge of a pistol to start
a foot face.
(2) Symptom: A symptom is a compulsive, automatic, nonarbitrary
sign, with a natural link between it and what it signifies. For example, bodily
symptoms indicate the underlying disease.
(3) Icon: A sign is said to be iconic
when there is a topological similarity between it and what it signifies. Examples
are pictures, diagrams, etc.
(4) Index: A sign is said to be indexic in so
far as it is contiguous with what it signifies. Indexes give physical indication.
Examples are compass, needles, weather vanes, footprints and droppings of animals,
etc.
(5) Symbol: A sign is said to be a symbol when it does not have similarity
or continuity with what it signifies, but a conventional link between them is
established. Examples are badges, flags, etc.
(6) Name: A sign which has an
extensional class for its designation is called a name. In accordance with its
definition, individuals denoted by a proper name as Veronica have no common property
attributed to them save the fact that they all answer to Veronica.
Note
that of the six types of signs listed above, signal, symptom, icon and index fall
within nonverbal domain fairly comprehensively and fully. There are elements of
symbol as well in nonverbal communication, but these are of a limited quality
and quantity. The sign name is perhaps nonexistence is probably a distinguishing
mark of nonverbal communication. There are also scholars who consider all the
six types of signs occurring in nonverbal communication.
Semiotic
approaches to the study of nonverbal communication focus more on the dialectics
within nonverbal behaviour, on how patterns are formed, and on how the inter-relationships
between verbal and nonverbal communication balance themselves in communicative
contexts. Coupled with the experimental investigations and findings of psychologically-oriented
studies of nonverbal communication, the semiotic approaches to the study of nonverbal
communication, indeed, dominate the current assumptions and procedures in studies
on nonverbal communication.
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1.3.5.
Indian Studies of Nonverbal Behaviour
Traditional
studies of nonverbal behaviour by Indian scholars link the nonverbal behaviour
of every day life with those of performing and other aesthetic arts and see these
behaviours in terms of their exploitation and function in these arts. In other
words, nonverbal behaviours are seen as something which occur in nature, in normal
communication and as something not fully at the conscious level. These unconscious
acts are studied to reveal their communicative nature and to bring out their functions
and patterns. In the process of study, the roots of nonverbal behaviour in language,
social acts and biology are emphasized. While every act of nonverbal behaviour
has its basis in language, society and biology, their exploitation, use, and the
manner of their use is based on the psychological need and state of the individual.
The ultimate goal of the study of nonverbal behaviour is their exploitation for
effective communication in aesthetic arts, for enhancing the aesthetic value of
the communication resorted to. It is then seen as an effective tool for aesthetic
value of the communication, providing a variety of techniques and a variety of
acts. Because the study of nonverbal behaviour is tied to performance, their physical
manifestation in the body and the intent of these manifestations to represent
underlying psychological needs and states were emphasized. Since in the view of
Indian scholars there is a unity of purpose between poetry and drama, indeed,
between all arts, physical manifestation of nonverbal behaviour as representations
of underlying psychological needs and states is included in every art, in poetry
through appropriate description and metaphor using language, in sculpture through
direct, indirect and oblique representation of nonverbal acts as physical manifestations,
and in dance combining both poetry and sculpture adding to the combination the
dimension of movement and symbol.
A chief characteristic
of Indian studies of nonverbal behaviour is the inclusion of the same in grammar.
For example, Indian traditional grammar include not only the description of intonation
patterns and their functions within their scope but also other paralanguage features
meant for sarcasm, doubt, emphasis, contradiction and specific identities of registers.
This is sought to be achieved in two ways - one, by a direct description and analysis
of utterances in terms of their functions in communicative contexts of their functions
in communicative contexts just as in linguistic description which present how
segmental sounds and sentence intonations get elliptical in the speech of certain
professional groups; secondly, by identifying linguistic mechanisms that carry
these nonverbal acts, as in the case of prolonging the pronunciation of consonants
for certain effects. Also, Indian traditional grammars have developed so as to
include separate chapters on nonverbal behaviours, and their import for poetry
and other aesthetic arts. The incorporation here with linguistic facts is sometimes
peripheral, at times not relevant, but many a time highly relevant for effective
communication, choice of diction and standard speech. Thus, by incorporating chapters
on nonverbal manifestations, the grammars focus on the performative factors of
speech as well, apart from forming a bridge between language of every day discourse
and the language of poetry and aesthetic arts. Then, by the mere inclusion of
study of nonverbal acts, the overall goal of grammar and its learning is changed.
History has not, however, seen to it that what began originally as a descriptive-cum-prescriptive
approach to account for the then prevailing practices grew wide and dynamic enough
to be alive to the changes in practices or to further develop the system of research
applicable to matter other than texts.
In the Sanskrit school
of grammar, nonverbal behaviour is prominently discussed within rasa theory. The
theory of rasa is intimately connected with the theory of dhvani. It forms the
most important aesthetic foundation of Sanskrit poetics. It first appears in the
dramatic theory of Bharata; originally in connection with drama (explicit nonverbal
behaviour), then as one of the essential factors of poetic theory (description
of the nonverbal as suggestive of the underlying intent). While the theory of
rasa itself is older than Bharata (500 B.C.?) the general conditions of the theory
as fixed by Bharata continue to be accepted as the basis.
Elevation of nonverbal communication to aesthetic status and the exploitation
of models of nonverbal communication for aesthetic purpose is clearly seen in
the concept of abhinaya in treatises on drama and dance, in essence on theatrical
performance. Abhinaya, according to Bharata Muni (Naya¿astra Chapter IV
: verse 23, translation as found in Ghosh, 1967) has four kinds of histrionic
representation, or shall we say that communication is carried on through four
kinds of means in dance and drama. These are a´gika which deals with bodily
movements in their subtle intricacies, vacika which refers to vocal delivery,
aharya is communication via costume and make up and sattvika is communication
through the accurate representation of the mental and emotional feeling. All these
are physical manifestations. The angikabhinaya, which is the visible form of communication
through bodily gestures and facial expressions, is certainly primary nonverbal
communication mode; there is an insistence on the need for gestures and facial
expressions to be in consonance with one another. Communication through perceptual
factors such as costume and make up, and the physical manifestation of mental
states and emotional feeling are also emphasized for a successful performance.
The role of vocal delivery is not minimized either in the process of communication.
The practice of representation in a dramatic performance is two fold: realistic
(Natural, popular) lokadharmi and conventionally) (theatrical innovation, and
used conventionally) nayadharmi (Naya¿astra, Chapter VI and verse 24, as
found in the translation of Ghosh, 1967). In other words the communication in
aesthetic arts is carried on both by natural (realistic) and conventional signs.
Of all the modes of nonverbal communication, gestures and implied meanings in
oral delivery have been given a pointed attention in the elucidation and exploitation
of nonverbal communication for aesthetic arts in Chapter 5, section 5.4.5. As
regards implied meanings we may make a brief statement here on the role of suggestion
treated in the Dhvani School of Sanskrit scholars, since we do not deal with the
Indian position in Chapter 4 which discusses nonverbal characteristics of language
use and silence. In course of our discussions on the scope and definition of nonverbal
behaviour we suggested that implied meanings, through an absence of linguistic
units, are a form of nonverbal expression. In the dhvani school of poetics, it
is suggestion/implied meaning that is considered the essential characteristic
of good poetry. The dhvani school, in its analysis of the essentials of poetry,
finds that the contents of a good poem may be generally distinguished into two
parts. One part is that which is expressed and thus it includes what is given
in words; the other part is the content that is not expressed, but must be added
to it by the imagination of the reader or the listener. The unexpressed or the
suggested part, which is distinctly linked up with the expressed and which is
developed by a peculiar process of suggestion, is taken to be soul or essence
of poetry. The suggestive part is something different from the merely metaphorical.
The metaphorical or the allegoric, however veiled it may be, is still in a sense
expressed and must be taken as such; but the suggestive is always unexpressed
and is therefore a source of greater charm through its capacity for concealment;
for, this concealment in which consists the essence of art, is in reality no concealment
at all. The unexpressed in most cases is a mood or feeling (rasa) which is directly
inexpressible. The dhvani school took up the moods and feelings as an element
of the unexpressed and harmonized the idea of rasa with davani. It is suggested
that poetry is not the mere clothing of agreeable ideas in agreeable language.
In poetry, the feelings and moods also play an important part. The poet awakens
in us, through the power of suggestion inherent in words or ideas, the feelings
and moods. Rasa is brought into consciousness by the power of suggestion inherent
in words and their sense. Thus, nonverbal communication in aesthetic arts is viewed
in Indian treatises as spectacular presence of physical manifestation and suggestive
absence of vocal elements.
In the Dravidian School of Grammar
(Tolkappiyam of pre-Christian era, 300 B.C.?) also, description and study of nonverbal
behaviour is and integral part of grammar, poetry and drama. Nonverbal communication
is seen anchored on to physical (and physiological) manifestations. The term used
to refer to the nonverbal itself clearly reveals that the idea of nonverbal communication
is grounded in physical and physiological manifestations. meyppau (mey meaning
body and pau meaning the acts based on body or expressed through bodily acts)
is the term used to refer to those manifestations which appear on the body of
an individual as a sign of what goes on inside the mind. Those need be no deliberation
and whose occurrence is revealed (in poetry and drama) in a natural manner through
the bodily acts form the scope of the study of nonverbal behaviour. Tolkappiyam
presents eight types of meyppau. All of these are grounded in bodily manifestations.
Each one of these eight manifestations is related to four moods or feelings. These
moods or feelings may be either causative or consequential. In other words, the
major eight manifestations are related to 32 different types of moods/feelings;
the latter could be either the causative mechanisms or consequential results.
Commentators have differed among themselves as to the content of 32 items, but
not on the essentiality of body acts for nonverbal communication, it being the
natural, exteran manifestation of internal states, and its retrievability and
comprehension without deliberation. It is also considered an essential component
of poetry. The grammar prescribes that the poets are not to refer to the feelings
as such experienced by the individuals but only to the external manifestations
on the body. By reference to the bodily manifestations, and with the help of such
references, the reader retrieves the causative and consequential contexts of the
poem, its intent and so on. Because of this device, suggestion reigns supreme
in poetry. The injunction that the poet is not to refer directly to the feelings
of characters but only to bodily manifestation, while recognizing the communicative
function of bodily manifestations, aims at making a poem more suggestive and open
for varied interpretations and enjoyment. The nonverbal mode is considered a tool
to express the internal states. The scheme also includes certain verbal acts as
part of the nonverbal. 'We see that even speeches by the heroine and others have
been included as forming part of the (nonverbal) group. If the speeches are mere
expressions of inner thoughts they are speeches. But if they are emotional outbursts
of inner commotion and feeling they are certainly meyppau. If we closely scrutinize
the list of meyppau in Tolkappiyam we will see that only such emotional expressions
have been listed under meyppau' (Sundaramurthy, 1974). Suggestive power includes
under the rubric of the nonverbal whatever has been left out, not said, in the
verbal act but is communicated because of their being left out, not said, in the
verbal act. Another dimension included is that the nonverbal also includes the
verbal if the latter is one of emotional outcome. Note that these view points
are also currently held in modern studies of nonverbal behaviour (See Mehrabian,
1972). Also note that in traditional Indian treatises the nonverbal exploits both
aural and vision media. The same classification of the nonverbal we find in the
traditional Indian grammars is also found in several modern studies of nonverbal
behaviour.
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1.3.6.
Literature and Text-oriented Studies of Nonverbal Behaviour
Creative
artists provide insights into human mind, human behaviour, and individual and
social thought and behaviour. Both intuitive observations and empirical experimentations
of nonverbal behaviour benefit a lot from absorbing what the creative artists
have to say on various facets of nonverbal communication and what they have identified
and exploited as regards nonverbal behaviour and communication in their works.
Creative artists are similar to the investigators who prefer to use mainly their
own intuitive analysis, but with one difference. The investigators may tend to
look at an object and/or a phenomenon with their own set of rules, ideas and concepts
whereas the creative artists may look at the same object and/or phenomenon from
so many different angles, rather get into the soul and body of their characters,
that a comprehensive picture is provided by them. Note , however, that such a
picture is at times quite far from reality.
In literature,
the nonverbal behaviour modes depicted by authors may illumine the content or
be itself the content of the literary work. The texts provide records of nonverbal
communication of past as well as of the present. They may be in codified ritual
texts, in didactic works, in religious discourses, or in literary or folk episodes
handed down from generation to generation. These provide a clue to the belief
system of the societies, provide the world view of he society whose behaviour
it regulates or had regulated. Textual analysis gives us rare as well as frequent
practices, indicates the significance of nonverbal communication across several
social and spatio-temporal levels. The past is linked with the present in the
textual analysis. The present is more clearly revealed in the past and its understanding.
Textual analysis requires several tools - semantic analysis, morphotion and interpretation
of the act described in the text and establishment of linkage between items across
texts. Assessment of correctness of interpretation requires several measures such
as identification of roots of words, morphological patterns, syntactic comparison
and establishment of patterns. The most important function of analysis of nonverbal
behaviour as found in texts is the understanding of current behaviour that is
narrated.
Textual analysis opens up a mine of information.
In literary texts, such as novels, story is carried on and established by what
the characters say (linguistic behaviour) and by a description of the nonverbal
act indulged in by the characters. Punctuation marks are but only one device which
give focus to some paralinguistic features. Other nonverbal communicative acts
are revealed in terms of proxemic behaviour, expressions via eye and face, kinesics,
use of implied meanings and so on. A large part of the author's narrative, without
any one being aware of it, is aimed at the description of nonverbal communicative
acts of the characters. Thus, because of infinite possibilities for human stories
and acts, and because of insightful observations and artistry of the authors,
literary texts also become a mine of information for those who propose to study
nonverbal communicative acts.
The paralinguistic characteristics
are conveyed by the authors in two ways - through the use of punctuation marks
using both conventional ones and those specifically created ones by the authors
themselves. The punctuation marks are of a limited quantity. Not many have been
really added to the set available, and in Indian languages they were largely adaptations
from European languages. Repetition of a punctuation mark, reversal of its placements
(in contrast to normal practice), omission of a punctuation mark where it would
be generally expected to be used, some peculiar devices either specially defined
or brought from a stock of symbols used elsewhere for other purpose but now notices
in this area. Another device resorted to, to give an aura of the paralinguistic
characteristics, is their description sometimes through metaphorical transfer,
sometimes through foregrounding processes (foregrounding refers to the stimulus
which is not culturally expected in a social situation; when foregrounding of
something takes place, it provokes special attention; foregrounding is generally
an intentional distortion of the linguistic), many a time by impregnating an ordinary
word with potent meanings.
Poyotos (1977) suggests that
it is the depiction of the linguistic-paralinguistic-kinetic structure of the
people involved in the story that conveys a feeling of authenticity and becomes
a vehicle to transfer what the author has created to the mind of the reader. Nonverbal
communication, in the hands of authors, performs six functions, according to Poyotos.
Nonverbal communication brings about physical realism, distorting realism, individualizing
realism, psychological realism, interactive realism and documentary realism in
literary texts. Physical realism conveys the sensorial perception of people's
behaviour. Physical realism is differentiated from psychological realism. In psychological
realism, the narration of the author delves into the subtle inner reactions, which
may be both body and purely mind-based. In distorting realism, the literary, or
artistic, expressionistic rendering of physico-psychological reality is 'meant
to ridicule, to offer a caricature of reality, or, truly to show what the eyes
cannot see'. Individualizing realism is shown in 'the conscious effort to differentiate
the characters as to their physical and psychological characteristics, by means
of their verbal repertoires and, in the best cases, by their nonverbal ones as
well'. Poyotos sees interactive realism employed by authors as 'a thoughtful depiction
of the mechanism of conversation mainly in face to face encounters'. The documentary
realism is historical realism and is a consequence of physical realism as regards
depiction of nonverbal behaviour, occupational activities, general task-performing
activities, and activities conditioned by clothes, hairdo, furniture, etc., are
part of this realism.
Poyotos also identifies four ways
by which the authors usually transmit the nonverbal behaviours in the narrative
text. One way is by describing the behaviour and explaining its meanings. This
is plain and has been exploited for a long time. Although this method id plain,
it, in no way, diminishes the story telling so long as the artistry and content
of the story are superb and associated with some greatly influential thoughts.
Also note that this plain way of resenting nonverbal behaviours may be dictated
by the current practices in story telling and could also be a stylistic marker
of individual authors. Another process of transmitting nonverbal behaviour is
by describing the behaviour without explaining the meaning. This is generally
meant for a contemporary audience familiar with the meanings of the nonverbal
behaviour described. Also note that in contemporary contexts, an obtuse nonverbal
behaviour when described, but without its meanings explained, becomes a technique
of narration, leaving meor to the personal abilities and sensitivities of readers
to retrieve the meanings. A third way is by explaining the meaning without describing
the nonverbal behaviour. This meaning may or may not be fully understood by the
reader in the same manner it is meant by the author. Another method of presenting
nonverbal behaviour in the narrative text is 'by providing a verbal expression
always concurrent with the nonverbal one, which is important, but not referred
to at all'.
Poyotos also finds that the nonverbal reper
toires of the characters play four definite and important functions in narrative
technique. These are initial definition of the character, progressive definitions,
subsequent identification and recurrent identification of characters. Initial
definition of the character is done by means of one or more idiosyncratic linguistic,
paralinguistic and/or kinesic features. These features include use of verbal expletives,
personal choice of words, a particular tone of voice in certain situations, a
gesture, a socially but individually conditioned way of greeting others, other
manners and mannerisms, a typical posture which we can identify as a recurrent
behaviour, etc. Progressive definition of characters through nonverbal behaviour
is by means of adding gradually new features as the story proceeds. 'A feature
adds to another feature previously observed, complements it, builds up the physical
as well as the psychological or cultural portrait, and assists the reader in the
progressive total appreciation of the narration'. Subsequent identification of
characters through nonverbal behaviour is by means of repetition for the first
time of a feature or features. Such a repetition immediately not only brings back
the4 image but also does it at a point in the story when the readers may confuse
between characters or may have forgotten the characters' external personalities.
Repetition may focus upon verbal expletives, gestures, peculiar tones of voice,
etc. Finally, the recurrent identification of characters through nonverbal behaviour
is by means of a known feature repeated as many times as necessary at varying
intervals in the narrations.
Thus, in a narrative text,
the depiction of nonverbal behaviour has several functions to perform - it carries
the burden of the story; it complements what the characters say; without such
a complementation a comprehensive locale and content cannot be built for the story
to proceed further and be comprehended by the readers. The depiction of nonverbal
behaviour also provides various types of realism to the story, while providing
at the same time various means at the disposal of the author - various processes
to define the characters and to retain and recall such definitions to meet the
demands of the story as well as the artistry.
Both textual
analysis and the analysis of literary works provide us with insightful identification
of the types, function and defining characteristics of nonverbal communicative
acts. Empirically-oriented experimental investigations of nonverbal communicative
acts can draw from this mine of information so as to fashion the acts for controlled
experimental studies.