| Chapter 4 : Other
Activities | |||
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Essentially and in the
truest sense Shahidullah was an individual. This
individuality marks all his writings both linguistic and literary. He wrote
extensively on various subjects. He used to contribute his articles to the
leading journals of his time. His first essay in Bengali showed such an
originality of approach as was then never expected from any other Muslim writer
young or old. In 1909, the Bhāratī the most
prestigious literary journal of the time, published
his article, Madanabhasma, showing his exceptional
knowledge and a deep understanding of Sanskrit literature.1 The editor of the
journal, Swarnakumari Devi
(1855-1932), was very much impressed by the quality of the article. Shahidullah observed :
Publication of this
article gave Shahidullah the filip
to write more on literary themes.
From his early student
life he was closely associated with many academic organisations.
He was a student-member of the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad. Most of his
early as well as significant articles were read in the monthly meetings of the Parishad, and were subsequently published in the journal of
the Parishad. The articles published in the journal of the Parishad are : Bāngālā
Śabdakoş Sambandhe
Ālocanā (1325 B.S.), Ārbī
O Phārsī Nāmer
Bāngālā Lipyantar
(1325), Bauddha Gān O Dohā (1327), Bāngālā
Bhāşāy Anujñā
(1331), Kabi Saiyad Aiāoler Padmābatī
(1331), Saiyad Aiāoler
Granthābalīr Kālnirņay
(1333), Bāngālā O Tāhār
Sahodara Bhāşāy
Bartamān Kāler Uttampuruş (1337). Badu
Caņdidāser Pad (1343).
Bhusuku
(1348), Bauddha Gān O Dohār Path Ālocanā
(1348), Śrīkrşņakīrttner
Kayekti Path-blcar (1348), Siddhā Kānupār Dohā O Tāhār Anubād (1349), Caņdīmāngaler Ekti Puthir Paricay
(1349), SamskrtaO Pārsī
(1350), Jelā Cabbiś
Paragāņār Upabhāşā
(1351). Haihay-Kuler S'ayyata-s'ākhā (1354), Vidyāpatir Padābalīr
Samskaraņ (1360), Gorakşabijayer
Racayitā (1360). Prākrta
O Bāngālā (1363), Peyarśāh
(1367).
In 1911 he founded the Bangiya Musalman Sahitya Parishad in association
with Md. Mozammel Haq, much
after the pattern of the Bangiya Sahitya
Parishad.2 The founder-president of the Parishad was Maulavi Ekinuddin Ahmed. Shahidullah and Muzaffar Ahmed were the Secretary and Assistant Secretary
respectively. In 1915 Shahidullah was replaced for a
short while by Maulavi Abdul Karim
though in 1917 he was again became as the Secretary.3 The office of the Bangiya Musalman Sahitya Parishad was at 47/1, Mirzapur Street, now known as Surya
Sen Street. The bulletin of the Parishad,
Bangīya Musalmān Sāhitya Patrikā, was
started under the joint editorship of Shahidullah and
Mozammel Haq from 1918. The
first number of it (i.e. April / May - November) published an article of Shahidullah, entitled Amader Samasya (Our Problems). He remained there for the third
successive year. The journal published the following articles of Shahidullah; such as Kabir Sāheb O Hindudharma (1918). Śekh Habibur Rahamāner Abe Hāyāter Samālocanā
(1919), Banat-su'ad (1920), Maynāmatīr
Gān, edited by Nalinikanta
Bhattasali (A Review) (1920). Quran Sarif O Juddhanīti
(1920), Iban Batutā O Tāhār Bāngālā
Bhramaņ (1920). Satyendra-smaraņe (1922).
In 1920 in the students'
conference organised by the Bangiya
Sahitya Parishad under the
president ship of Haraprasad Sastri,
he read out an article Bānglā Sāhitya O Chātrasamāj
(Bengali Literature and Student Community).' 4 He said :
At the twenty-sixth
session of the Parishad (May 30, 1920) he was
unanimously elected as the Secretary of the student-wing of the Parishad. Abdul Gaffar Siddiqu proposed his name while Suryakanta
Misra seconded the proposal.5
He edited a monthly
magazine of the children, the Angur, the first of its
kind among Muslims, in 1920. The Bengali journals like Sandeś,
Maucāk regularly published stories based on
Hindu mythology. The absence of any such publication of
stories based on Quran, Hadis.
etc. prompted him to redress it.6 The journal
continued only for a year. Every number contained stories and fairy tales meant
for children from his pen. The journal published contributions from men like Rabindranath Tagore in its first
number (Rathajātra) and Nazrul
Islam in its third number (Hodol Kutkuter
Bijñāpaņ). Some of his writings
published in this journal are : Tin Śişyer Kathā (Baiśākh, ! 327). Pariśram,
a translation from Arabic poetry (do), Bidhātār
Parīksa (from Hadis),
pithā Gācher Kahinī (Jyaiştha),
Rūpasī (A Fairy Tale from
BHĀŞĀ
O SĀHITYA
He also produced a few
books of essays on literary subjects. His first book, Bhāşā
O Sāhitya (Language and Literature), which is a
collection of fifteen essays written over the years and published in different
journals, appeared in 1931 from
The book earned much
praise from Tagore and a favourable
review followed by the Prabāsī. Shahidullah sent a copy to the poet. In a letter from Santiniketan on
Shahidullah was the Secretary of the
East Bengal Literary Society from 1936 to 1940.
The Bangabhūmi,
another monthly literary journal, was edited by him in 1937. This was a
short-lived journal. To avoid unnecessary controversy, he used his name as the
Director at the cover of the journal.8 The journal
published the following articles of Shahidullah: Ārya-jātir Prācīn
Prem-Kāhinī (1937), Jātīya
Milaner Pathe, Hafiz, Laylīr Prati Majnu. His presidential address at the
eleventh annual conference on May 2. 1937 was published in it.
The Takbir,
another fortnightly, edited by him, was published in 1947 from Bagura. The publication was slopped after its eighteenth
issue. Some of his articles, published in this journal, are :
Idul Ajaha, Prācīn Bhārate Gobadh, Pūrba Pākistāner Śikşār
Bhāşā-samasyā, Kārbālā Kāhanī,
S”eş Nabī Sambandhe Bhavişyat-bānī,
etc.
ĀMĀDER SAMASYĀ
His another book, Āmāder
Samasyā (Our Problems), a collection often
essays, was published from
THE LANGUAGE PROBLEM
OF
Language had been a major
issue of discussion not only among litterateurs but also among politicians even
before pre-Pakistan days. In July 1947 demand was made to make Bengali the
stale language of
'For
After the partition, the
political developments in
Meanwhile, an education
conference had been held in
A committee was set up by
the government to resolve the issue on the national language. Shahidullah was selected as a member to this committee but
he declined the offer. According to his opinion :
"The spoken languages
of the Pakistan Dominion are Pushtu, Beluchi, Panjabi, Sindhi and
Bengali. Of these Bengali is the most advanced and the Bengali literature has
obtained a recognised position in world literature.
According to the number of speakers its position is seventh among the languages
of the world.... there will be no logical escape to accept Bengali as the state
language of the Pakistan Dominion.'
The chairman of the East
Pakistan Educational Reconstruction Committee, Ziauddin
Ahmed, was in favour of Urdu as the medium of
instruction in all
"It is a mistake to
think that in a state there can be only one state language.... In Canada
English and French, in
He further added :
'But knowing the political
difficulties I am not advocating for Bengali as the state language of
On the occasion of the
Dhaka University Convocation, Md. Ali Jinnah, in his
address on
Shahidullah infused in his students
and through his students to others a deep love for the Bengali language and
literature. While delivering the presidential address to the East Pakistan
Literary Conference, held at
'It is reality that we are
Hindus and Muslims, but the greater reality is that we arc Bengalis... Mother nature has put such indelible mark on our appearance and
language that no camouflage of Hindu and Muslim external markings could hide
this basic reality. We need as free citizens of post-independent
The Dainik
Azad bitterly criticised it
in its editorial on
'Any language, other than
Bengali, imposed on
In January 1952, the Prime
Minister of Pakistan, Khwaja Nazimuddin,
reiterated his earlier declaration that Urdu was to be the only state language
of
Shahidullah had a positive aversion
to the nasty game of politics in general. Even as an apolitical person he
supported in public the just cause of the students' agitation on the language movement.
He was the direct source of inspiration behind the sacrifices of youths for the
retention of the Bengali language. He took pride in the fact that his students
placed the Bengali language in the highest pedestal literally at the cost of
their lives. His youngest son, Murtaza Bashir, had been involved in the movement. The demand for
due recognition of Bengali along with Urdu as one of the state languages of
URDU SCRIPT FOR
BENGALI
The Central Government of
Pakistan issued proposals on the question of a common script of all languages
of
After liberation the
stress was on introduction of the Bengali language at all levels of national
life. In 1949 the language issue took a serious turn. From April 1950, twenty centres were started by the Central Education Office in
various districts of
Rs. 67764/=. The whole amount was spent in East
Bengal to introduce the project of introducing Arabic script for the Bengali
language.l2 A list of Bengali
reference books was prepared which were to be printed in Arabic script at the
expense of Central Government. Announcement was made on behalf of the Central
Government that awards would be given to those who wrote Bengali books in
Arabic scripts.
Shahidullah, the member of the East
Bengal Language Reform Committee, commented against attempts to leach Bengali
in Arabic script. In his address to the East Pakistan Literary Conference, held
at
The East Bengal Language
Committee, under the presidentship of Maulana Akram Khan, declared in a
report that attempts to introduce the Bengali language in Arabic Script must be
slopped for at least next twenty years. In his article, Urdu Script for Bengali,
published in the Pakistan Observer, on
'The question of the state
language for which I, as President of the East Bengal Arabic Association hold a
definite view well-known to the public should not be mixed up with the question
of the script of regional languages. When Persian was the state language,
Bengali was written with the Bengali script. It was so during the British
period when English became the state language of the country. The script
question should be considered from the point of view of its scientific
accuracy, its suitability for short hand, type writing, printing and rapid
writing, and also the sentiment of the people in general who are expected to
use it.... I myself have written against the Arabic (Urdu) script for the
Bengali language in my booklet Āmāder Samasyā (our problems)... one is bound to accept the
logical conclusion that is a highly controversial matter. But the removal of
illiteracy is an essential thing and, at the same time, a universally accepted
primary duty of the government. For running 21 adult education centres for teaching Bengali in Arabic script the Central
Government had to spend Rs. 130500/- in two years and
a half. This huge amount if used for teaching Bengali in the Bengali script,
could have surely shown hundred times better result.'
By the 1956 constitution
Bengali was given the status of one of the state languages, exactly as the
demand had been. Moreover, establishment of the
'Arguably, the Language
Movement of 1948-1952 was a milestone in the growing demand for cultural
self-determination of the Bengalis in
Shahidullah was the most important
person among the founders of the
The
Shahidullah became the founder-member
of Asiatic Society of Pakistan in 1951. On the occasion of his eightieth
birthday, the Asiatic Society of Pakistan felicitated him. In its publication,
Muhammad Shahidullah Felicitation Volume, the editor,
Md. Enamul Haque, wrote :
"Over a long period
of half a century he has been exerting his intellectual influence on the last
three generations of our country. The nation cannot forget him and the country
cannot deny his service to her citizens.
Traditional Culture in
A poem in translation is
always another version, another culture, a distinct deviation from the
original. Translation often fails lo convey the suggestive, evocative power of
words, all the original nuances. The cardinal rule for translation is that the
translator should keep as close as possible to the original. Yet the result
must not read like a literal translation, hut like an original work of
literature. The elegance of the original poem is obviously difficult to transcreate in any form.
Shahidullah's
translations of Hafiz (Dioan-i-Hafiz, Dhaka, 1938), Iqbal (Sikoyah O Jawab-i-Sikoah, Dhaka, 1942) and Umar
Khayyam (Rubaiyat-i-Umar Khayyam.
Embedded in the rich
variety of subject-matter, Iqbal’s poems throw light
into the poet's thoughts, ideas, feelings, sense of values and above all,
personality. The plain sense of his poems is not hard to arrive at but the
musicality of his poem goes after translation. Take, for instance, :
The lexical meaning of the
words in a poem is one meaning, what is carried by the How. is
another. The latter is a poem's sweetness; it is a gift of the architecture of
sound; it is the sensibility of the living thing. It is ignored at a
translator's peril.
Malik Muhammad of Jaisi wrote his famous Hindi romance Padumavati
in 1540 and it was translated into Bengali by Alaol,
a Sufi poet in the court of Arrakan. Alaol was a good scholar. His knowledge of Persian poetry
was deep and of Sanskrit lore adequate. But as a writer Alaol
shows less facility and ingenuity than his predecessor, Daulat
Kazi. probably the first
Bengali poet who wrote under the oegis of the Arrakan court. Alaol appears to
be the first Bengali writer to translate from Persian poetry. His good
knowledge of several languages, such as Sanskrit, Bengali, Avadhi
and Persian, gave a distinction to his style.
According to Shahidullah, Malik Muhammad Jaisi wrote his Padumabati during
the reign of Ser Sah. In the article, Malik Muhammad Jaysi O Tāhār Padmābatī,
published in the Dilruba( 1949). he wrote :
According to Shahidullah, Alaol translated it
during the reign of Thadominta, king of Arrakan (1645-1652). He wrote: 
Sukumar Sen,
in his History of Bengali Literature, wrote that Magan
Thakur, the foster-son of the sister of Sricandra Sudharma (reign
1652-1684) and co-regent of Arrakan, was inclined
towards Sufism and was an admirer of Jaisi's poetry.
He requested Alaol to render Jaisi's
Padumabali into Bengali verse so that it might be
readily appreciated by the men of Arrakan.14
In the article. Kabi
Syaid Alāoler Padmābatī published in the journal of the Parishad, he wrote :
According to Shahidullah, Alaol was the son of
a minister of Majlim Kutub,
Governor of Fatehabad. Shahidullah
further added a new concept, the influence of Gonsalves.
He wrote :
According to his opinion, Alaol was born in 1592, and translated it in 1646. This
opinion was rejected by Abdul Karim Sāhitya Bisarad.15 This view was appreciated by Ali Ahsan. He said :
According to Abdul Karim Sāhitya Bisarad and Enamul Haq, Alaol was born in Zobra
Shahidullah published the bibliography
of Alaol (Syaid Ālāoler Granthābalīr
Kāl-nirņay) in the journal of the Parishad in 1 925. l7 The same
number also printed an analytical study of his views by Abdul Gaffar Siddiqi and Bisvesvar Bhattacharya. His edition of Alaol’s Padmabatī
(
The stories of Padmabati, as were given by Jaisi
and Alaol, were discussed by Shahidullah.
Alaol’s translation is neither
complete nor wholly faithful. A number of instances are shown by Shahidullah. In Hindi, we have
Another reading
:
The revised and enlarged
edition of Padmabatī (
Vidyapati was one of the best known
poets of early New Indo-Aryan literature. A collection of his hundred couplets
was translated and edited by him in his Vidyapāti-śataku
(
The work is enriched by a
detailed introduction, which is divided into three parts :
1) Vidyāpati, 2) Vidyāpatir
Śuddha Pad O Bhāşā
(The Original Verse and Language of Vidyāpati)
and 3) Maithili Byākaraņ
(Maithili Grammar). In the first part of his
Introduction, he tried to point out the exact date of Vidyapati.
According to his opinion, Vidyapati was born in 1354.
In his another article, The Date of Vidyāpati. published in the
Indian Historical Quarterly, he wrote that Vidyapati
was in the period between 1290 and 1490. In his Vidyāpati-śataka. he
wrote :
According to his opinion,
this Bengali Vidyāpati, named by him as Kabisekhar Vidyāpati, was alive
during the reign of Nasiruddin Nusral
Shah (1519-1 533). He established his text with the help of the following : 1) Vidyāpatir Padābalī
edited by Nagendranath Gupta; 2) Vidyāpatir
Padābalī edited by Khagendranath
Mitra and Bimanbihari Majumdar; 3) Ragataranginī
by Locan (1702); 4) Maithili
Vidyāpati-Biśaddha-Padābalī
edited by Sibanandan Thakur;
5) Vidyāpati Ki Padabalī edited by Rambrkşa Śarma Benipuri; 6) Śrīśnpadakalpalaru
edited by Satischandra Ray; 7) A unpublished Padaratnābalī edited by Satischandra
Ray; 8) A Chrestomathy of the Maithili Language : G.
A. Grierson. By comparing all these works he explored
the concept of the poems. Take, for instance, from the collections of Grierson :
Over the years Shahidullah had distinguished himself in almost all
possible sphere of literary writing, fie believed that a literary work ought to
carry a message to the masses. He gathered random facts from life and presents them in a journalistic style lo sketch the social history of
his country and time. He wrote short stories but the intensely Bengali flavour in his stories (both in terms of language and
social context), one felt, could not be shared with people who had no
familiarity with Bengali culture. The thirteen stories in the collection, Rakamāri (
Shahidullah next turns to fables of
antiquity. The earliest fables explain some feature of an animal (e.g., why
crows are black) and establish certain animal characteristics (the fox as sly,
the lion as dignified). Later fables, the product of a more sophisticated
culture, use animals to teach a moral lesson or to satirise
human follies. The earliest extant fables come from
Hindus, Buddhists and Jains believe in the life hereafter. Jewish, Christians and
Muslims do not believe in it. Here I cite an instance of the history of a
fable...
One of the lesser-known
aspects of his varied activities is his devotion to poetry. His poetical works,
however, remain unpublished. Some of his poems have been incorporated in the
commemoration volume : such as Adhyabasāy
(Determination) (translation from Mudrārākşas);
Unnati (Prosperity) (translation from Alif Layla); Nirbhar
(Excessive) (translation from Masnabhi); Pākistān Dibas
(Pakistan Day) (
In 1956 he went to
Shahidullah never discontinued
writing essays on various topics. His essays, whatever may be their
subject-matter, belong more to the critical analysis than to creative art. They
comprise literary appreciation and criticism, social problems, political
dilemma, philosophy and religion. Enamul Haq wrote : "writing is one
of his habits and preaching of Islam is another. His main aim of life is to
attain perfection through acquisition of knowledge both spiritual and mundane'.
His educational, social, economic and political beliefs were all coloured by his deep religious faith. His father was a
devoted Muslim of Khadem heritage. From him he
imbibed his deep sense of the unity of life. He believed that religion is the
highest value of life because it emphasises unity and
love for all beings. His religion was thus an essential part of his being and
influenced every aspect of life.
FOOT NOTE
