Study of the Kashmiri - English mixed code shows that in spite of the lack of structural overlap between V-2 Kashmiri and SVO English, the two languages are sometimes mixed in a manner that seriously violates the equivalence constraint. Once again we notice that the theoretical proposal fails to illuminate the multilinguality of speakers. If one were looking at the mixed code data with Alice in her wonderland, one would say:
     For, you see, so many out-of-the-way things had happened lately, that Alice had begun to think that very few things indeed were really impossible. (Down the Rabbit-hole, 17).
     We thus notice that linguist's preoccupation with idealized structural systems has not only kept her away from the specificities of power and language relations in society but has also restrained her from saying anything substantial about fluid languages, i.e., about the ways in which people construct their reality. The two things, I think, are closely related.
     I think the only significant exceptions to what I am trying to say are Hodge and Kress (1979), Fairclough (1992) and Lee (1992). Yet in none of these, pain of the human condition is at the centre. Nor I think these distinguished scholars fully appreciate some non-negotiable aspect of the nature and structure of language. Hodge and Kress (1979; 145-152) have a very illuminating section as 'double think' in which they extremely insightfully analyse excerpts from Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France and from the judgement of Mr. Justice Hardinge against three men convicted of stealing 1 ½ guineas during food riots in 1801 and try to show how negative forms must be interpreted in terms of underlying positive forms and how these may betray the anxieties of a changing social set-up. Fairclough's (1992) work has had important theoretical and pedagogical implications (see e.g. Janks 1993). He tried to show how discourse is shaped by power relations, which in turn shapes society. In this situation, as Bourdieu (1984) puts it, the bourgeoisie are positioned in a relationship of ease and confident control, the petit bourgeoisie in a relationship of anxiety. To quote Fairclough (1992:10):
     The shaping of discourse by society and of society by discourse are on the one hand long-term practice which progressively restructure the sociolinguistic order (Fairclough 1989), but on the other hand processes which affect every instance of discourse.
     Lee's (1992) work on competing discourses regards textual production as an exercise in power in which choices made are not reflective of an objective reality but constitutive of the discourse thus created.
     There are two serious problems with this otherwise admirable tradition of work on the language-society interface. Firstly, it is not predicated on a fully articulated vision of society in which we have some idea, howsoever fuzzy, of the redistribution of social political, economic and linguistic resources. Secondly, it does not take into account those aspects of the nature of language, which must be accorded autonomy that is legitimately due to them. Irrespective of whether you are a king or a pauper, your language is phonologically marked by an alternation of consonantal and vocalic sounds consistently avoiding their repetitive sequences, morphologically by a set of word formation strategies and syntactically by a set of fairly abstract principles often shared across the board. For several years now, we have been working on English as a first, second and foreign language and 'Error Analysis' has been one of our major concerns. Not once for a sentence e.g.
               The girl who is writing a letter is my sister.
     any learner ever made a yes-no question e.g.
               * Is the girl who writing a letter is my sister?
     in which the first 'is' rather than the second is fronted. Irrespective of the power structures embedded in social discourse, speech of all the parties involved work in terms of whole constituents rather than individual lexical items. A sociolinguistic theory will be richer if it incorporates rather than ignores that fact. I am not sure to what degree we can agree with Hodge and Kress (1979; 204) when they say that all the rules and norms that govern linguistic behaviour have a social function, origin and meaning. Even if we largely agree with this formulation we may have to invoke the theory of co-evolution in which socially motivated phenomenon may get genetically coded and may therefore, acquire a different status. And under no circumstances can we ignore the multilinguality parameter. Even if our focus is linguistic form alone, we may be better of looking at multilingual rather than monolingual situations. As Singh (2000:34) points out, a conceptually minimalist theory of linguistic form may emerge 'from looking at matters of form in multilingual contexts. It is rich enough to accommodate the Chomskian insight that language is a unique window on Plato's problem and poor enough to let the butterflies flutter away as and when they please, appearing to display rich patterns our gardens, our looking glasses project on to their wings, which do contain the patterns in which these rich patterns find a reflection. What is etched on their wings are archi-patterns, which are like mirrors in which the ill-understood fact that no language is an island finds a reflection.'

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