The
question of use of languages in administration and selection of a language or
languages as the Official Language of the Nation and States and Union Territories
has attracted people belonging to all walks of life to suggest solutions and modus
operandi for their implementation. These suggestions range from re-introduction
of Sanskrit into administration domain to declaration of all languages of the
Eighth Schedule as Official Languages of the Union.
To illustrate a few of them :
The Sanskrit Commission, 1958 suggested that "in view of the cultural important
and ... with a view to arresting the growth of fissiparous tendencies and linguistic
parochialism which are at present threatening the unity of India ... Sanskrit,
which is already one of the languages recognized by the Constitution, should be
declared as an Additional Official Language (by the side of Hindi and English,
for the time being) to be used for such public purposes as may be feasible: that,
in particular, Sanskrit should be officially used on all such ceremonial occasions
as the taking of oath, the swaring in ceremony, the opening and the conclusion
of the Sessions of Legislature and officially sponsored National and International
Conferences and deliberative bodies; the representation of credentials, the award
of National convocations, as also such purposes as Passports and Mottos of different
departments of the Government"1. The DMK representative Thiru Manoharan said
in the Parliament that "... Hindi should not be the only Official Language
of the country but all the fourteen languages that are incorporated in the Constitution
should be declared as the Official Languages of the country"2. Almost on
the similar lines is the suggestion of Shri Mazumdar for the declaration of all
the principal languages of India as the Official Languages of the Union; publication
of all laws passed by the Parliament and notifications issued by the Union Government
in all these languages; conducting of the examination members in the Legislature,
22 are of Congress-(I), 8 of MGP and 3 Independents. And 8 of the Congress-(I)
members have openly opposed the Bill. And out of 148 Panchayats, 101 resolved
in favour of Marathi. But, the Congress-(I) in 1985 has won the elections on the
ground o giving the status of Official Language to Konkani and Statehood to Goa.
Maharashtravadi Gomantak Party, a constituent of Marathi Rajabhasha Prasthapan
Samiti (Gomantak), considers this Bill as 'discriminatory treatment to Marathi
and claims that majority of population of Goa has Marathi as mother tongue. Pro-Konkani
porjeho Awaz has put forth the claim that majority of Goan population, both Catholics
and Hindus, understands Konkani and if Marathi is accepted as Official Language,
Goa cannot claim statehood.
The question whether Konkani is a language or dialect was a long standing dispute.
But, with the recognition of the Central Sahitya Academy, Konkani obtained the
official status of an independent language, thus providing Konkani speakers a
strong symbol of an independent identity. In the opinion poll of 1960 people of
Goa chose to retain Goa as a Union Territory. The second stage now is the implementation
of Konkani's use in administration; this will automatically lead to its growth
and fasten the development of its speakers by expanding economic activities. The
third stage could be one of elevation of the status of Goa from that of the Union
Territory to a State.
Next one to look forward in the area is implementation of the accord signed between
the Centre and Mizo National Front on June 30, 1986 which in its Clause 12 stipulates
that '... as soon as Mizoram becomes a State,
i)
The provision of Part XVII of the Constitution will apply and the State will be
at liberty to adopt one or more of the languages in use in the State as the language
to be used for all or any of the official purposes of the State'.
The processes of integration in India offer an excellent ground for linguistics,
psychologists and sociologists to observe and study a dynamic situation. Unfortunately,
integration of the study of these processes with the linguistic curriculum in
our Universities has not gone apace with the dynamics of the situation. So far
the study of the situation is made mainly by discriminating, and certainly well
meaning, electic individuals. And yet the dimensions of the dynamic situation
are so diverse that these require a formal analysis in the hands of academics.
In this monograph, I have tried to show that, although most of the processes of
integration are initiated in a very competent and electic manner, the problems
caused by compromise and electicism cannot be solved again only by an electic
approach. The solution demands formal analysis by various disciplines.