Negation in Kannada

K. S. GURUBASAVE GOWDA

( C. I. I. L., Mysore)

THERE are two types of negative elements in Kannada : those that are free and those that are bound.Free forms can be further sub-divided into two sub-classes. The first contains the two elements alla and illa, and the second contains bed?a.

All these free forms are further segmentable. But this paper is not as much interested in their internal structure as in their external distribution.

All these free forms except one do not show any distinction between person, number and gender.

Elements alla and illa may be taken first. Alla negates the equation of two things and illa negates existence. Using the Sanskrit terms one may say roughly that alla is tadbhinnarthaka and illa is abhavarthaka.

The following examples will make the distinction clear.

adu katte 'that is an ass'
adu katteyalla 'that is not an ass'
avanu hucca 'he is a mad man'
avanu huccanalla 'he is not a mad man'

These examples show that alla is used to negate non-verbal sentences.

As mentioned before illa negates existence. The verb iru 'to be' in Kannada, unlike other verbs, shows two paradigms in the non-past ; one paradigm indicates certainly and the other indicates habitual. For example :

a huttadalli havu iruttade
'usually there will be a snake in that ant-hill'
havu a huttadallide
'there is a snake right now in that ant-hill'

The negative of the non-past habitual forms is formed by adding illa to the verbal noun form from the root iru 'to be'

Example :

a huttadalli havu iruvudilla
'snakes are not usually found in that ant-hill'

In this iruvud(u) is the verbal noun and illa is the negative element.

The negative of non-past certain forms is obtained by using illa instead of corresponding affirmative forms.

Examples:

a huttadalli havilla
'there is no snake in that ant-hill'

The negative of the non-past forms of the other roots is formed in the same way as the negative of the non-past habitual forms of iru 'to be'.
Example :
avanu maneyalli iddanu
'he was in the house'

avanu maneyalli iralilla
'he was not in the house'

aval?u a kelasavannu mad?idal?u
'she did that job'

aval?u a kelasavannu mad?alilla
'she did not do that job'

In these examples iral(u) and mad?al(u) are the infinitives and illa is the negative element. It has to be noted that the negative form does not contain any morpheme indicating past tense. The whole construction may be said to have the past negative meaning.
Whereas illa and alla may be said to negate indicative sentences, bed?a negates imperative sentences. bed?a is the exact opposite of beku 'want'.

Examples :

nanage kafi beku
'to me coffee is wanted',

'I want coffee'

nanage kafi bed?a
'to me coffee is not wanted,'

'I do not want coffee'

bed?a can also be used with infinitives to prohibit any action:

tinna bed?a 'do not eat'
kud?iya bed?a 'do not drink'
malaga bed?a 'do not sleep'
It has to be noted that bed?a when used like this is restricted only to second person singular, where as in the other case there is no such restriction. There is also another form bed?i~ bed?ri used in the plural or in polite singular :

nimage innondu id?li bad?isale? bed?i,
'shall (I) put one more idli to you?' 'No'
ninage enu beku? 'what do you want?'
nanage enu bed?i? 'I do not want anything'

There are two more elements baradu and kud?adu which are used with the infinities of the verbs. There is no distinction of person, number and gender when these forms are used.

avanu/aval?u/adu/avaru/etc., i kelasavannu mad?abaradu
'he/she/it/they should not do this job'

ninu/nivu/etc., a kelasavannu mad?a kud?adu
'you (sg)/you (pl) should not do that job'

Here kud?adu is more emphatic than baradu.

It was mentioned in the beginning of this paper that there are negative elements which are bound. They are two in number : (i)-ade and (ii)-ada. -ade and -ada are added to roots and their use may be illustrated from the following examples.

avanu kelasavannu mugisi bandanu
'having done the job he came'

avanu kelasavannu mugisade bandanu
'not having done the job he came'
(he came without doing the job)

avanu a kelasavannu mugisi baruttane
'having finished that job he will come'
(he will come after finishing the job)

avanu a kelasavannu mugisade baruvudilla
'he will not come without finishing that job'

The other bound element is -ada. This may be called negative participle.

mugisida kelasa 'finished job'
mugisada kelasa 'un-finished job'
hod?eda manusya 'the man who beat'
hod?eyada manusya 'the man who did not beat'

All these remarks refer to the most commonly used expressions in written Kannada. If we take proverbs also into consideration, we will have to say that negative forms show distinction of person, number and gender. These are not treated in this paper.
Before ending this paper I have to mention two more forms paravagilla~paravayilla and til?iyadu. The former form means 'it does not matter, it's all right' and 'it's not bad' etc., and it contains the negative element illa. It is difficult to assign any meaning to paravagill ~ paravay. The latter form either overtly or covertly needs dative noun in the sentence. The form til?iyadu means 'not known' or 'unknown', which always agrees with neuter singular subjects.

nanage adu til?iyadu
'to me it is not known' (I do not know)

nanage aval?u yaru embudu til?iyadu
'to me it is not known who she is.'

(My thanks are due to H. S. Biligiri for his comments and encouragement in writing this article.)

Negation in Malayalam

N. RAVINDRAN

( C.I.I.L., Mysore )

1. All languages have a system of negation as opposed to affirmation. As is obvious negation is opposite to affirmation. The following is an effort to describe the ways in which negation is carried out in Malayalam.

2. Negative markers are of two types-free forms and bound forms. Bound forms are affixes bound to verbs. Free forms can either occur in isolation or as words in a sentence.

3. Free markers
The commonest free negative markers are alla and illa. Their use is clearly demarcated.

3.1. Negation of Identification
The free form alla is used to negate identification. For instance,

itu maram 'this is a tree'
itu maram alla 'This is not a tree'
atu para 'That is not rock'
atu para alla 'That is not rock'
avan kal?l?an anu 'He is a thief'
avan kal?l?an alla 'He is not a thief'
aval? ayal?ut?e bharya anu 'She is his wife'
ava?l ayal?ut?e bharya alla 'She is his wife'

3.2. Negation of Existence
To negate existence, the free form illa is used. For instance,

ayal? avit?e unt?u. 'He is there'.
ayal? avit?e illa. 'He is not there'
vit?t?il ellavarum unt?u. 'Everybody is at home'
vit?t?il ellavarum illa. 'Everybody is not at home'.
ent?e kayyil pan?am unt?u. 'I have money'
ent?e kayyil pan?am illa. 'I have no money'.

3.2.1. In the following examples illa occurs as a part of verb. It is

affixed to verbs after the tense marker. For instance,
aval? van nu. 'She came'
aval? van nilla. 'She did not come'
mala peytu 'It rained'
mala peytilla 'It did not rain'
avan poyi 'He went'
avan poyilla 'He did not go'
ñan atu ceytu 'I did that'
ñan atu ceytilla 'I did not do that'

4. Bound forms

Bound negative markers are affixed to verb roots.

4.1. - ate

The negative affix - ate is added to verb stems. For instance,
varate 'without coming'
aval? ivit?e varate poyi 'She went without coming here'
pokate 'without going'
kanate 'without seeing'
ceyyate 'without doing'
ot?ate 'without running'

4.2. - a

The affix - a is another negative marker. This is limited to only a few verb roots.
By adding this marker to verb roots we get a kind of negative attributes. For instance,

vayya 'not able'
enikku vayya 'I am unable'
vayya veeli 'unwanted botherations'
pora 'not ending'
itrayum pora 'This much is not sufficient'
tira 'not ending'
tira vedana 'unending pain'
tora 'not stopping'
tora mala 'unending rain'

5. - t?a (ven?t?a)

The negative marker - t?a is added to the root ven?- meaning 'needed'. Thus, ven?t?a can occur independently. For instance,

itu veno? '(Do you) need this?'
vent?a 'Not needed'
entu venam? 'What do (you) want?
Onnum vent?a 'Nothing is needed'

vent?a is added to infinitives to get Negative Imperatives. For instance,

varavenam/ varanam 'Come'
varaven?t?a/varan?t?a 'Do not come'
pokaven??am/pokan?am 'Go'
pokaven?t?a/pokan?am 'DO not go'
ot?aven?am/ ot?an?t?am 'Run'.
ot?aven?at?/ ot?an?t?a 'Do not run'.

6. Two peculiar forms

The negative suffix -ate is affixed to the negative free forms alla and illa forming two peculiar negative forms allate and illate.

allate 'without that'
'without which'
'without who'

illate 'having not'

atallate entu vali?
'without that what is the way?'

panam illate entu ceyyum?
'what will one do without money?'

7. Sanskrit Negatives
There is a large number of lexical items borrowed from Sanskrit. Many of these can be paired off and certain negative prefixes can be segmented. Some of them are listed here. For instance.

7.1. a- and an-
The negative prefix a- occurs before consonant-beginning words, e.g.,

purvam 'seen before'
apurvam 'not seen before'
sadhyam 'possible'
asadhyam 'impossible'
sadharan?am 'common'
asadharan?am 'uncommon'
vivahitan 'married man'
avivahitan 'unmarried man'

The negative prefix an- occurs before vowel-beginning words,

e.g.,

avasyam 'necessary'
anavasyam 'unnecessary'
ekam 'one'
anekam 'not one' 'many'

7.2. niC-
where C=s if the following sound is s or t.

e.g.,

nissahayata 'helplessness'
nistaryam 'not surpassable'
C= s if the following is c or s e.g.,

niscalam 'not moving'
nisses?am 'without residue'

C=r if the following is a vowel or a voiced consonant.

e.g.,

niraharam 'no food'
nirdos?am 'no harm'

where C= s? if the following is a voiceless consonant except s, c. s and t.

e.g.,

nis?kamam 'without sexual desire'
n?is?karun?am 'without kindness'
nisprabham 'without shining'.

Negation in Tamil

K. RANGAN

(C.I.I.L., Mysore)

1.1 THE purpose of this paper* is to describe the formation of negation in Tamil applying transformational methodology (Chomsky : 1965). The morpheme Neg is generated when S(entence) is rewritten. It is neither a part of verb phrase. Like the morpheme Q, Neg is also posited to trigger the transformational rules to derive negative sentences. A fragment of rewrite rules is given below :

(1) S ? (Imp) (Neg) NP PDP

(2) PDP ? (Time) (Place) VP AUX

Pred iru
(3) VP ? (PP) (PP) (MP) V
Pred V

(4) AUX ? (Aspect) Tn Pt

(5) Aspect ? (Refl ppl) (Compl ppl) (Prog ppl) (Perf ppl)

Fut
(6) Tn ? Non-Fut

Past
(7) Non-Fut ? Present

In simple finite verbs, the transformational rule changes the position of the Neg morpheme from its original place i.e., it brings Neg under the immediate domination of Aux replacing the Tn and Pt when Tn is realized as Non-Fut. A set of deletion rules deletes Tn and Pt. Diagrams (1) and (2) show the changes that are due to transformation when Tn is realized as Non-Fut.

In Tamil we have sentences like

(1) avan neettu viit?t?ukku varale
'he yesterday house-to came-not'

* I am very thankful to my professor P. B. Pandit, C. J. Daswani, University of Delhi, and K. S. Ramasubramaniam, Annamalai University for their comments and criticism which improved both the content and expression of this paper.

(2) ammaa in?n?ekki cinimaavukku pookale
'mother today movie-to go-not'

(3) vaattiyaar paad?am nad?attale
'teacher lesson taught-not'

The corresponding underlying forms with the postulation of Neg morpheme are

fig

(IA) avan neettu viit?t?ukku vandaan
'He came to the house yesterday'

(2A) ammaa in?n?ekki cinimaavukku pooraangal?
'The teacher taught the lesson'

The infinitive transformation is here applied before Neg is brought under Aux. This rule attaches the moropheme Inf which is later realized as -a in the phonological compenent. Diagrams (3) and (4) represent graphically the deep structures of (1) and (3).

fig

The various operations performed with the help of transformational rules can be shown as

Neg+avan+neettu+viit?t?ukku+vaa+Non-Fut+Pt?
Neg+avan+neettu+ viit?t?ukku+vaa+Pt?
Neg+avan+neettu+ viit?t?ukku+vaa?
Neg+avan+neettu+ viit?t?ukku+vaa+Inf?

(1) avan+neettu+ viit?t?ukku+vaa+Inf+Neg
Neg+vaattiyaar+paad?am+nad?am+Non+Fut+Pt?
Neg+vaattiyaar+ paad?am+nad?am+Pt?
Neg+vaattiyaar+ paad?am+nad?attu?
Neg+vaattiyaar+ paad?am+nad?attu+Inf?

(3) vattiyaar+ paad?am+nad?attu+Inf+Neg

These surface structures will be represented as
(1) avan neettu viit?t?ukku varale
(3) vaattiyaar paad?am nad?attale

in the phonological component.

Diagrams (5) and (6) show the surface structures of (1) and (3)

fig

1.2. We observe some significant difference when Tn is realized as future. Atleast there are two things that should be taken note of. These differences constitute the partial motivation of rewriting Tn as Future and Non-Fut. In the phonological component Neg is represented as le when Tn is Non-Future. The deletion rules delete both the tense and personal suffixes. But when Tn is future, only the tense is deleted and not Pt. The morpheme Neg is phonetically represented as maat?t?u when the subject NP is specified as (+human). Otherwise it will be -aa i.e., when the NP is (-human), the Neg will be represented as -aa. The infinitive transformation operates here also. It implies that if this rule fails to operate, the resultant string will be ungrammatical. Examples (4) and (6) can be taken to illustrate the various processes involved to derive the surface structure.

fig

(4) raaman ad?utta vaaraam varamaat?t?aan
'Raman next week come-will not'

(5) cucilaa naal?ekki peepar pad?ikkamaat?t?aal?
'Susila will read a paper tomorrow'

(6) dinaman?i raatri ked?aikkaadu
'Dinamani night be available-with not'

The corresponding underlying forms are

(4A) raaman ad?utta vaaraam varuvaan
'Raman will come next week'

(5A) cucilaa naal?ekki peepar pad?ikkamaat?t?aal?
'Susila tomorrow a paper read-will not'

(6A) dinaman?i raatri ked?aikkum
'Dinamani will be available tonight'

First, the deletion rule deletes the Future which is under the immediate domination of Aux. The infinitive marker is adjoined to V by a transformation rule. The permutation rule moves the Neg morpheme from the place where it is immediately dominated by S and brings under Aux. The person suffixes symbolized here as Pt are not deleted in these cases. These can be shown as
Neg+raaman+ad?utta+vaaram+vaa+Fut+Pt?
Neg+raaman+ ad?utta+vaaram+vaa+Pt?
Neg+raaman+ ad?utta+vaaram+vaa+Inf+Pt?

(4) raaman+ ad?utta+vaaram+vaa+Inf+Neg+Pt
Neg+dinaman?i+raatri+ked?ai+Fut+Pt?
Neg+dinaman?i+raatri+ked?ai+Pt?
Neg+ dinaman?i+raatri+ked?ai+Pt?

(6) dinaman?i+raatri+ked?ai+Inf+Neg+Pt?

In the phonological component these surface structures are realized as

(4) raaman ad?utta vaaram varamaat?t?aan

(6) dinaman?i raatri ked?aikkaadu

Diagrams (7) and (8) which represent these surface structures are given to compare with those of (5) and (6) so that we can get a clear picture of the negative formation in Tamil.

fig

1.3 When the complex verb is present in a sentence, there is no significant difference in the operation of transformational rules from those we have examined earlier. The same rules operate here also depending on the realization of Tn. When verbs such as

(7) vandirukkaan 'has come'
(8) vara veen?um 'should come'.

fig

(9) pooka mud?iyum 'can go'.
(10) pad?iccirukka veen?um 'should have read'

occur, the Tn alone is deleted and the morpheme Neg is inserted in this place. The person suffix is deleted when Tn is Non-Future. Let us take some examples of complex verbs to understand the various processes of negative formation.

(11) avan naal?ekki vara mud?iyaadu
'he tomorrow came can not'

(12) tambi pan?am kod?ukka veen?aam
'younger brother money give need not'

(13) kandan cinimaavukku pooyikukkale
'Kandan movie-to gone has not'

The deep structures of (11-13) with Neg morpheme would be

(11A) avan naal?ekki varamud?iyum
'He can come tomorrow'

(12A) tambi pan?am kod?ukka veen?um
'The younger brother should give money'

(13A) kandan cinimaavukku pooyirukkaan
'Kandan has gone to a movie'

Examples (11) and (13) can be taken up here to explain the formation of negation when the verbs are complex. Diagrams (9) and (10) represent the deep structures of (11) and (13).

fig

Neg+avan+naal?ekki+vaa+mud?i+Fut+Pt?
Neg+avan+naal?ekki+vaa+mud?i+Pt?
Neg+avan+naal?ekki+vaa+Inf+mud?i+Pt?
avan+naal?ekki+vaa+Inf+mud?i+Neg+Pt?

This surface structure will be represented as

avan naal?ekki vara mud?iyaadu

in the phonological component.

Neg+kandam+cinimaavukku+poo+iru+PPI+Present+Pt?
Neg+kandam+cinimaavukku+poo+PPI+iru+Present+Pt?
Neg+kandam+cinimaavukku+poo+PPI+iru+Pt?
Neg+kandam+cinimaavukku+poo+PPI+iru?
Neg+kandam+cinimaavukku+poo+PPI+iru+Inf?
kandam+cinimaavukku+poo+PPI+iru+Inf+Neg

The phonetic representation of this surface structure is

Kandan cinimaavukka pooyirukkale

1.4 We have to explain the formation of negation when the sentences are imperatives. Since the behaviour of these sentences differ to a considerable extent from the declarative sentences, we have to keep these sentences as distinct and explain the various rules involved in the derivation of the surface structure. The S has been rewritten as

(1) S ? (Imp) (Neg) NP PDP

When the morpheme Imp is present, the NP which is immediately dominated by S will be second person pronoun i.e., the NP which functions as the subject of the sentences will be specified as (+PRO), (+Participant) and (-Speaker). The Tn will be realized as future at the deeper level. At the surface level, the Tn is deleted (Katz & Postal : 1964). The Tn is always realized as Future because of the presence of Imp morpheme. So the question of Tn is future. But when Imp is present, it is phonetically represented as -aad. The other difference that we find in these cases is the absence of infinitive transformation i.e., the infinitive transformation doesn't operate when Imp is generated . Only deletionh and permutation rules are needed here.

We can take up the following examples to illustrate.

DECLARATIVE-NEGATIVE

(14) nii ad?utte varusam pad?ikkamaat?t?e
'you next year study will not'

(14A) nii ammaave ad?utte vaaram pad?ippe
'you will study next year'

(15) nii ammaave ad?utte vaaram paakkamaat?t?e
'you mother next week see will not'

(15A) nii ammaave ad?utte vaaram paappe
'you will see the mother next week'

IMPERATIVE-NEGATIVE

(16) (nii) inge varaade
'(you) here come not'

(16A) (nii) inge vaa
'(you) come here'

(17) (nii) naal?ekki viit?t?ukku pookaade
'(you) tomorrow house-to go not'

(17A) (nii) naal?ekki viit?t?ukku poo
'(you) go to the house tomorrow'

(18) (niingal?) canikkilame pad?ikkaadingal
'(you) Saturday read not'

(18A) (niingal?) canikkilame pad?ingal?
'(you) read on Saturday'

Sentences (16), (17) and (18) are represented differently in the phonological component from those of (14) and (15). Both the rules involved here and the realization of Neg morpheme are different. This is mainly due to the morpheme Imp. We can now explain how sentences (16) and (18) are derived from the respective underlying structures. The deep structure of (16) is

Imp+Neg+nii+inge+vaa+Fut+Pt

This can be represented as

fig

The following operations are being performed to derive the surface structure.

(i) the Tn whch is Future is deleted
(ii) the morpheme Neg is brought under Aux.
(iii) the deletion rules delete both Imp and the subject NP. i.e., the second person pronoun nii and niingal?.

In the phonological component Neg is phonetically realized as aad

Imp+Neg+nii+inge+vaa+Fut+Pt?
Imp+Neg+nii+inge+vaa+ Pt?
Imp+ nii+inge+vaa+Neg+Pt?
nii+inge+vaa+Neg+Pt?

This will be
nii inge varaade
The subject NP nii can be deleted optionally in order to get
inge varaade

Except the rule which deletes nii all the other rules are obligatony i.e., rules which are deleting Tn and Imp and the rule which brings Neg under Aux are applied obligatory in order to derive the grammatical strings. Diagram (12) shows the surface structure of (16).

fig

The same rules described earlier are applied in getting the sentence 918). Diagrams (13) and (14) are given for explaining the difference between deep and surface structures.

Imp+Neg+niingal?+canikkilame+pad?i+Future+Pt?
Imp+Neg+niingal?+canikkilame+pad?i+Pt?
Imp+ niingal?+canikkilame+pad?i+ Neg+Pt?
niingal?+canikkilame+pad?i+ Neg+Pt?
canikkilame+pad?i+ Neg+Pt?

This will be converted into
canikkilame pad?ikkaadingal
in the phonological component.

fig

Bibliography

Chomsky, N. 91957) Syntactic Structures, Mouton & Co., The Hague.
Chomsky, N. (1965) Aspects of the theory of Syntax¸MIT Press: Cambridge.
Katz and postal, P. M. (1964) An Integrated Theory of Linguistic Descriptions, MIT
Press : Cambridge.
Klima, Edward (1964) 'Negation in English' in Katz and Fodor (eds) The Structure of
Langauge
Rangan, K., A Contrastive Analysis of the Grammatical structures of Tamil and English
(in progress) Ph. D., diss. Univ. of Delhi, Delhi-7.

Negation in Telugu

K. V. V. L. NARASIMHARAO( C. I. I. L., Mysore)

IN THIS paper, an attempt is made to present a preliminary analysis of Negation in Telugu. The paper does not go into all the details of the topic but provides a general picture of Negation in Telugu.

There are the following negative verbs in Telugu and a suffix (neg) : le- and ka- followed by person/number/gender marker, vaddu, kud?adu and the suffix -a. The third and fourth are not mono-morphemic; their internal structure is not described as it does nt suitably fit into the present discussion in this paper.

The two negative words vaddu and kud?adu do not exhibit any distinction with regard to person, number and gender.

Out of the above negative verbs ka- negates the equational sentences whereas le- negates the existence. For example:

(1) ame manci t?icaru 'She is a good teacher'
(la) ame manci t?icaru kadu 'She is not a good teacher'.
(2) adi manci pustakam 'That is a good book'.
(2a) adi manci pustakam kadu 'That is not a good book'.
(3) vad?u manci vidyarthi 'He is a goos student'.
(3a) vad?u manci vidyarthi kadu 'He is not a good student'.

From the above examples, it is obvious that the negative verb root 'ka-' occurs in the case of equational sentences. In other words, 'ka-' negates the non-verbal sentences.

As has been mentioned above, the negative verb root 'le-' negates existence.

Consider the following examples:
(4) pustakam balla mida undi "(The) book is on the table'.
(4a) pustakam balla mida ledu '(The) book is not on the table'.
(5) ramud?u bal?l?o unnad?u 'Rama is in school'
(5a) ramud?u bal?l?o ledu 'Rama is not in school'
(6) sita int?lo undi Sita is at home'.
(6a) sita int?lo ledu 'Sita is not at home'.

The examples 4 to 6a show that 'le-' negates existence.
The verb 'to be' (und?-) exhibits two different paradigms in the present : (1) certainly and (2) habitual. Consider the following examples:

(7) vad?u i t?aymuku bad?ilo unt?ad?u
'He is (usually) in school at this time'-Habitual

(8) vad?u ippud?lo unnad?u
'He is in school now'-Certainty

Here in the case of the habitual negative, the suffix -a occurs as negative marker. For example :

(7) vad?u i t?aymuku bad?ilo unt?ad?u
'He is (usually) in school at this time'

(7a) vad?u i t?aymuku bad?ilo unt?ad?u
'He is (usually) not in school at this time'

In the case of hibituals, the negative suffix -a is added to the verb 'to be' (und?-) whereas in the case of certainity, the whole verb 'to be' (und?-) is replaced by the negative element le-. Consider

(8) vad?u ippud?u bad?ilo unnad?u
'He is in school now'

(8a) vad?u ippud?u bad?ilo led?u
'He is not in school now'

In the case of all other verbs in ten non-past forms, the negative suffix -a occurs as in the case of habitual form of 'to be'. Consider the following examples:

(9) naukaru pani purti cestad?u
'The peon does his work completely'

(9a) naukaru pani purti ceyyad?u
'The peon doesn't do his work completely'

In the case of negative in the past forms, the neg. element 'le-' is added to the infinitive form of the verb followed by the number, person and gender marker : For example,

(10) naukaru pani purti cesœd?u
'The peon did his work completely'

(10a) naukaru pani purti ceyyaledu
'The peon didn't do his work completely'

(11) laks?mi annam tindi
'Lakshmi ate her food'

(11a) laks?mi annam tinaledu
'Lakshmi didn't eat her food'

In examples 10a and 11a, we see that the negative element le- is added to the infinitive forms of the verbs ces- (do) and tin- (eat). It may be mentioned here that this negative element doesn't contain any tense marker. Thus it negates the whole sentence. But ledu, kadu may be said to negate indicative constructions and vaddu and kud?adu occur in the case of negative formations of verbs ending in - ali. Consider

(12) naku d?abbu kavali 'I want money'.
(12a) naku d?abbu vaddu 'I don't want money'
(13) a pani ceyyali 'That work should be done'
(13a) a pani ceyya kud?adu 'That work should not be done'

vaddu can also be used as prohibitive in the case of imperatives. In the case of plural or polite constructions also, this holds good and in addition the plural/polite marker '-and?i' is added to this. Consider

(14) (miru) kafi tagakand?i '(You) (hon/pl) drink coffee'.
(14a) (miru) kafi tagakand?i
'(You) (hon/pl) don't drink coffee'.

It may be mentioned here that the prohibitive marker 'kud?adu' does not exhibit any changes in its shape irrespective of the number, person or gender. Consider the following :

(15) nenu cadawa kud?adu 'I should not read'.
(16) niwu cadawa kud?adu 'You (sing) should not read'.
(17) miru cadawa kud?adu 'You (pl/hon) should not read'.
(18) vad?u cadawa kud?adu 'He should not read'
(19) ame cadawa kud?adu 'She should not read'
(20) wal?l?u cadawa kud?adu 'They should not read'.

In old written Telugu, 'radu' is used instead of kud?adu; but the former is no more retained in modern written Telugu.

The negative markers in Telugu and their distribution may be summarised as follows :

*le- Negative marker in the case of verb 'to be' (und?-)
†ka- Negative marker in the case of verb 'to become' (aw-)
vaddu Negative marker in the case of verbs ending in -ali suffix.
kud?adu prohibitive.

-a Negative marker added to the verb root before the person/number/gender
marker.
*'vac' and 'ra' are allomorphs of the same morpheme and the occurrences of these depend upon the following elements, i.e., 'ra', occurs when followed by a negative marker and in imperatives and gerundives and 'vac' elsewhere.
†'ka' and 'aw' are allomorphs of the same morpheme and their occurrences also depend upon the following elements, i.e., 'ka' occurs when followed by a negative marker and 'aw' elsewhere.

In addition to the above, there is another negative marker -akand?a in Telugu which is added to the root which is followed by a finite verb. For example :

(21) laks?mi palu tagi nidrapoyindi 'Lakshmi slept after drinking milk'
(21a) laks?mi palu tagakand?a nidrapoyindi 'Lakshmi slept without drinking milk'.
(22) ramud?u annam tini caduwukunt?unnad?u 'Rama is reading after eating
food'.
(22a) ramud?u annam tinakand?a caduwukunt?unnad?u 'Rama is reading without
eating food'.

There is an exception. That is, in the case of the verb 'to know' (teliyu), the negative is marked by a suffix '-adu'. The occurrence of this marker is restricted to the verb 'know' (teliyu) only. Consider :

(23) naku awud?a teliyadu 'I don't know her'.
(24) naku awid?a teliyadu 'I don't know her'.

Bibliography

Arden, A, H., A Progressive Grammar of Telugu, Christian Literature Society, Madras,
1955.
Lisker, Leigh, An Introduction to Spoken Telugu, Council of Learned Societies, New
York, 1963.
Rama Rao, C., A Grammatical Sketch of Telugu (Unpublished).
Subbarao, Vavilakolanu, Salabha Vyakaran?am, British Model Press, Madras.
Suri, Chinnaya, Bala Vyakaran?am, Vavilla Ramaswami Sastrulu and Son, Madras, 1966.
Veeresalingam, Kandukuri, Sangraha Vyakaran?am, Rajahmundry, 1930.

Negation in Telugu

WILLIAM MADTHA

(C. I. I. L., Mysore)

IN TULU' negation is expressed negative forms, which may be either bound or free.

A. Bound negative forms

/Ij, ci, ay, a, ad?/are the bound negative forms which are used in the finite forms and /and/ in the non-finite forms of the verbs.

(a) Negative bound forms in the finite verbs :

Distribution

In the finite forms the distribution of the negative bound forms is as follows:

/-ci/ occurs after the root /bo: d?u/;/-ad?/ occurs in the imperative; /-ay/ occurs in the subjective except in the third person neuter where /-a/ occurs and /-Ij/ elsewhere.

Examples

Conjugation of a new verbs in the negative will exemplify the distribution and clarify what has been said above.

I. Indicative

(i) Past
Structure..2 Root+Tense+Negative+number-gender-person.

Paradigm3

Affirmative Gloss Negative4

tin-t-e 'I ate' tin-t-Ij-i
tin-t-a 'you ate' tin-t- Ij-a
tin-t-e 'he ate' tin-t- Ij-e
tin-t-a:lI 'she ate' tin-t- Ij-a: lI
tin-t-in?d?t 'it ate' tin-t- Ij-i

1By Tul?u I means here only the Bhan?t? dialect of Tul?u as spoken at Vit?t?al of Ban?t?wal? Taluq of South Kanara.
2Structure of the negative alone is given throughout.
3The same paradigm is used for both perfect and imperfect tenses e.g., /tinte/'I ate/ have eaten'.
4Through the number-gender-person marker, for the first person singular and the third persons neuter singular, is different, in the affirmative, in the negative however it has the same shape.

(ii) Non-past

Structure
Root+Tense+Negative1+number-gender-person.

Paradigm

Affirmative Gloss Negative
tin-p- e 'I (will) eat' tin-p-uj-i
tin-p-a 'you (will) eat' tin-p-uj-a
tin-p-e 'he (will) eat/eats' tin-p-uj-e
tin-p-a:lr 'she (will) eat/eats' tin-p-uj-a:lt
tin-p-und?I 'it (will) eat/eats' tin-p-uj-i

II. Imperative

Structure : Root+negative+number.
Examples: /malpu/ 'do'
/koru/ 'give'.
malp-ad?-a 'you (sg) do not do'.
malp-ad?-e 'you (pl) do not do'.
kor-ad?-a 'you (sg) do not give'
kor-ad?-e 'you (pl) do nt give'.

III. Subjunctive

Structure: Root+Negative+gender-number-person.

Examples
Affirmative Gloss Negative
tin-v- e 'I may eat' tin-ay- e
tin-v-a 'you (sg) may eat' tin-ay-a
tin-v-e 'he may eat' tin-ay-e
tin-v-a:lt 'she may eat' tin-ay-a:lt
tin-Ø-u 'it may eat' tin-a-ndI2

IV. -ci occurs as it is said above with /bo:d?u/ 'want'. When /bo:d?u/ occurs in combination with some other morpheme it acquires a new meaning, namely, 'should'.

e.g.,
malpu+bo:d?u malpod?u 'should be done'.

1 tj?uj/labial-.
2 /-a/occurs not only in te third person neuter singular of subjunctive but also in the impersonal constructions, e.g./a:vu/'it is possible' /a:v-a-ndi/'it is not possible'.

In order to negate it /-ci/ is added to /malpod?u/. e.g., /malpod?ci/ 'do not do'. Note here it does not give the meaning 'should not be done' ; the form /-balli/ however, gives this meaning.1

Further examples :

klpu+bo:d?u ? kalpod?u 'should learn'
kalpod?u+ci ? kalpod?ci 'do not learn'
o:du+bo:d?u ? o:dod?u 'should read'.
o:dod?u+ci ? o:dod?ci 'do not read'.
balpu+bo:d?u ? balpod?u 'should run'.
balpod?u+ci ? balpod?ci 'do not run'.

(b) Negative bound forms in the non-finite verbs :

/-and/ is the only one negative bound form that I have come across in the non-finite verbs. It occurs after the verbal root..

Examples :

(i) Negative verbal participle:
Structure: Root+Negative+Verbal particip: marker.
/pan?i/ 'tell'
pan?-and-e 'not telling/having told'.

/pa:rI/ 'run'
pa:r-and-e 'not running/having run'.

/parI/ 'drink'
par-and-e 'not drinking/having drunk'.

(ii) Negative adjectival participle :
Sturcture: Root+Negative+Adj. particip. Marker.

pan?-and-ina 'who/which is (was, will)
not (be) telling'.
Par-and-ina 'who/which is (was, will)
Not (be) drinking' etc.

(iii) Negative participial noun :
Root+Negative+Adj. paticip. Marker+Pronoun.
pan?-and-ina-a:ye? pan?andina:ye 'he who does (will/did) not tell'.
pan?-and-ina-a:lI? pan?andina:lI 'she who does (will/did) not tell'.
pan?-and-ina-avu? pan?andinavu 'it which does (will/did) not tell'.

B. Free negative forms

Forms:

(i) /ijji/ is not existing'.
(ii) /attI/ 'is not/no'.
(iv) /balli/ 'can/should not'.

These forms have no gender, number, and person distinctions.

Distribution

(i) /ijji/ negates existence. /un?d?/ is the affirmative : 'is'.

Examples :

a:ye mu:lI ijji 'he is not here'.
a:lI mu:lI ijji 'she is not here'.
avu mu:lI ijji 'it is not here'

(ii) /attI/ negates the identity between a subject and what is predicated of it. Its occurrence is as that of /ijji/, / and I/ is the affirmative.

Examples:

a:ye kal?ve 'he is a thief'.
a:ye kal?ve attI 'he is not a thief'.
avu pe:rI 'that is milk'.

(ii) /balli/ negates the potentially or the actually of action. It occurs either with genitive or instrumental case in the case of nouns and with the infinitives in the case of verbs. /a:vu/ is the affirmative.

Examples:

with genitive: enki balli 'I am not able'.
instrumental: enad?di balli 'I am unable'.
infinitive: malpera balli 'should not be done'.

Negation in Gujarati

M. V. SREEDHAR

(C. I. I. L., Mysore)

EVERY language has a system with a number of sub-systems. And each of the sub-systems, in its turn, has a well-knit system within itself, eventhough this may not be discernible to a layman who uses the language. An attempt is made here to show that the aspect of negation is Gujarati forms a well-knit system within a sub-system, eventhough it appears to have randomness.

There are in all four negative paticles2 in Gujarati. These are: (1) n", (2) na (3) n"thi and (4) nahi. In certain specified environments, na and nahi are in Free variation. Otherwise these four particles occur in mutually exclusive environments. We could, therefore, make a tentative statement that at the sentence level the aspect of negation is expressed by the morpheme {nahi}. Since these forms occur only within a VP, a description of a VP in Gujarati is essential for the understanding of the occurrences of the aspect of negation in Gujarati.

Given below are some of the instance of a VP3 in Gujarati.

Every VP in Gujarati contains atleast one constituent, viz., a verb (hereafter marker V). In the sentences given below, a V is the only constituent of the VP.

(1)4 te suse 'he will sleep'.
(2) te calse 'he will walk'

A V which has the privilege of occurring as the only constituent of a VP is known as Intransitive verb (hereafter marked V1). In addition to a V, a VP may also have a NP, as in the sentence given below.

(3) te bhat khase 'he will eat rice'

A VP having a NP as one of its constituents of a VP is known as Intransitive verb (hereafter marked V1). It would be seen at a later stage that as far as

1The writer is thankful to Usha Patel, Research scholar in Applied Linguistics, Deccan College, Poona for the Data.

2 At the morphological level, morphemes of negation occur also with the nouns, for instance, s"hyog 'co-operation', "s"hyog 'non-co-operation'. Negations of this nature do not form part of this study.

3 It is not proposed to offer an exhaustive treatment of the instances of VP's in Gujarati. Only those instances of a VP that are relevant to the use of negation are considered here.

4 When an example is cited for the first time, the serial number of the example is given at the beginning of the sentence, while when an example is repeated, the original serial number is given in bracket at the end of the sentence.

the system on negation is concerned, the language shows no opposition between a VP having a VI and Vt.

A Verb in Gujarati is capable of showing opposition in the time element of the action represented by the verb, for instance, in the sentences:

(4) te suto 'he slept'.
(5) Te calyo 'he walked'.

are in opposition to the sentences:

te suse (1) 'he will sleep'.
te calse (2) 'he will walk'.

whereas the verb in the sentences 4 and 5 indicates an action that has been completed, the verb in the sentences 1 and 2 indicates an action that is to take place later on. While we designate the former as the past tense, the latter is designated as future tense. The language has also a present tense1.

A verb in Gujarati also shows opposition in moods. This opposition is expressed either by a small class of words like s"kyo 'can' (potential mood), joie 'must' (injunctive mood) etc., or by the root of the verb itself, as in kha 'eat' (imperative mood). The small classes of words that express the different moods are designated as modals, hereafter abbreviated as M. When the root is employed to represente the imperative mood, it is marked as Vm. Inasmuch as the occurrences of these modals including the Vm, restrict the choice of the particular negative particle that goes with a VP, the occurrences of these modals including that of the Vm are relevant to this study ; for instance, only n"hi occurs with a VP that ends in a M or Vm as is seem in the sentences given below.

(6) kha 'eat (imp)'; khaso n"hi 'do not eat'.
(7) sui s"kyo 'could sleep' (potential); sui s"kyo n"hi 'could not sleep'.

The use of this particular negative form would be discussed in detail later on. Given below are a few VP's having either a M or a Vm.

(8) k"r 'do (imp)'
(9) te sui s"kse 'he can sleep (Potential)'
(10) te sui j"se 'he might sleep (Future potential)'

1It is not proposed to treat in this study, the various rules for obtaining different tenses, moods or aspects in Gujarati. For the purpose of this study, it is sufficient to note that the verbs in Gujarati show opposition in tense and mood. And these oppositions have relevance to the choice of the particular negative particle that goes with a verb.

(11) te suwu) joie1 ;he must sleep (injuctive)'
(12) ten?e sui j"wu) joie 'he ought to sleep'.

A VP may have an auxiliary verb che 'is' with or without a preceding M.

The examples given below would illustrate this statement.

(13) te sui s"ke che 'he can sleep'.
(14) Te suto2 che 'he sleeps'.

The VP's cited so far had atleast one V as its constituent. There can also be VP's having only an auxiliary form preceded by an adverb or an adjective (NP) a is seen in the sentences given below:

(15) syama "hi che 'shyama is here'.
(16) mari pase che 'is with me'.
(17) syama sari che 'shyama is good'.

The examples given below show that a VP may consist of just an auxiliary verb following a adv/NP without any principal verb. In such instances, the auxiliary verb is known as copula and the construction is known as copular construction.

It was already seen that the verbs in Gujarat show a three-way opposition in tense. This three-way opposition is also available with the auxiliary forms, irrespective of the fact whether they function as an auxiliary verb or as a copula. The following examples would illustrate this statement.

sui s"ke che (13) 'can sleep'.
(18) sui s"kto h"to 'could have slept (if he wanted)'
(19) sui r"hy che 'is sleeping'.

1The shape of the verb in the VP would depend upon the particular M that follows
it; for instance, s"kse has the verb root preceding it, while joie has the infinitive form of the verb. Further since the opposition in time (tenses) is applicable to the M also, the shape of the V would also depend upon the tense of the following M. A detailed discussion of these points is outside the scope of this study.
2 The difference between the momentary present (suto che 'sleeps'), present continuant (sui r"hyo che is sleeping') and the present perfect (suwe che 'just slept') etc., are ignored here as such differences are irrelevant to this study, because all VP's ending in che 'is take the same negative form, viz., n"thi, for instance:
Neg+suto che?suto n"thi
Neg+suwe che?suto n"thi
Neg+sui r"hyo che?sui r"hyo n"thi
In other words, when a VP ends in the auxiliary form che 'is', n"thi substitutes the che of the VP, for obtaining the negative aspect.

(20) sui r"hyo h"to 'was sleeping'.
mari pase che (16) 'is with me'.
(21) mari pase h"to 'was with me'.
(22) mari pase h"se 'will be with me'.
sari che (17) 'is good'
(23) sari h"ti 'was good'.
(24) sari h"se 'will be good'.
(25) "hi h"to 'was here'.
"hi che (15) 'is here'.
(26) "hi h"se 'will be here'.

The examples given above show that the auxiliary verb in Gujarati shows a three-way opposition in tense and that this opposition in tense is overtly indicated by three different forms of the auxiliary verb1 che 'is'. It would be presently seen that by taking separate forms of negative particles by each of the three forms of the auxiliary verb, this three-way opposition in tense is overtly indicated even at the time of negativing the simple assertive forms of a VP having an auxiliary verb, that is, the form n" goes with h"to, the past tense form of the auxiliary and h"to, the past tense form of the auxiliary, n"thi goes wit che, the present tense form of the auxiliary and n"hi goes with h"se the future tense form2 of the auxiliary. The examples given below would illustrate this statement.

(27) Neg+ V auxp ? Neg+suto h"to ? suto n"h"to 'was sleeping'.
Neg+VM auxp?(a) Neg+sui s"kto h"t (18) ? sui s"kto3 n"h"to (b) (28)
Neg+sui s"kyo h"to ? sui s"kyo n"h"to 'was able to sleep'.
Neg+ V auxpr ? Neg+suto che (14) ? suto n"thi
Neg+VM auxpr ? Neg+sui s"ke che (13) ? sui s"kto n"thi
Neg+Adv auxp ? (a) Neg+"hi h"to (24) ? "hi n"h"to
(b) Neg+mari p"se h"to (21) ? mari pase n"h"to
Neg+Adv auxpr ? Neg+"hi che (15) ? "hi n"thi
Neg+Adv auxf ? Neg+"hi h"se (26) ? "hi n"hi h"se4
Neg+NP+auxp ? Neg+saro h"to (23) ?saro n"h"to

1These forms may be marked as:
auxp?h"to; auxpr?che; auxf? h"se
2 h"se does not occur with V (M) i.e., it functions only as a copula and not as an auxiliary verb, whereas the present tense and the past tense forms of the auxiliary verb che occur both as an auxiliary verb and also as a copula.
3n"h"to is also pronounced as n"h"to.
4For an emphatic statement n"hi-h"se is always uttered as h"se n"hi. This type of change in the word order is ignored here.

Neg+NP+auxpr? Neg+sari che (17) ?sari n"thi
Neg+NP+auxf? Neg+sari h"se (24) ? sari n"hi h"se

Eventhough the examples cited so far included the occurrences of only simple verbs preceding an auxiliary verb, the statement that the three different forms of the auxiliary verb, viz., h"to, che,h"se, take three different negative particles when a VP ending in an auxiliary is negatived, applies equally to compound verbs preceding an auxiliary verb, for instance,
Neg+sui r"hyo che (19) ? sui r"hyo n"thi
Neg+sui r"hyo h"to (20)s ? sui r"hyo n"h"to

Having covered the total distribution of the auxiliary verbs, we might now have a look at the means whereby the other forms of a VP are negatived. In this let us consider, in the first instance, the VP's ending in a modal. In this we would presently see that the system of negation in Gujarati is a well-knit one inasmuch as all VP's of assertive type ending in a VM is negatived by adding n"hi to the VM. A few examples would illustrate this statement.

Neg+sui s"kse (9) ? Sui s"kse n"hi
Neg+sui j"se (10) ? sui j"se n"hi
Neg+sui s"kyo (7) ? sui s"kyo n"hi

In addition to the negative particle n"hi the negative particle na could also be used for negativing the VP's ending in a M. However, when na is taken, it occurs between V and M for instance,

Neg+sui s"kse (9) ? sui na s"kse
Neg+suwu) joie (11) ? suwu) na joie

We could, therefore, state that a VP of an assertive type ending in a M can be negativated either by adding the negative particle n"hi to the VM or by the negative particle na preceding the M. The utterances with n"hi, however, are more emphatic than the ones with na.
Lastly we should consider the situations wherein a VP ends in a principal verb. We would presently see that in all such situations, the verb would be either in the past/future tense or in the imperative mood. Given below are a few examples to illustrate this statement.

suse (1) 'will sleep'.
calse (2) 'will walk'.
calyo 95) 'walked'.
k"r (8) 'do (imp.)'.

The negative particle n"hi is used in the instances covered by the above statement for e.g.,

Neg+suse (1) ? suse n"hi
Neg+ calse (2) ? calse n"hi
Neg+calyo (5) ? calyo n"hi
Neg+ k"r (8) ? k"ris n"hi

We could, therefore, state that when a VP ends in a V, which may be either in the past/future tenses or in the past/future tenses or in the verbal root (imperative mood), the negative particle n"hi is added to the VP for negativing it.
As far as negativing the VP's in the assertive form is concerned, three statements have been made so far. These three statements would cover all instances of negativing the VP's in the assertive form. However, the examples of the VP's cited so far had only V1's. It would presently be seen that the three statements made earlier are applicable to VP's having both transitive and intransitive verbs. A few examples of VP's having intransitive and transitive verbs would illustrate this point, e.g.,

Neg+suto h"to (27) ?suto n"h"to
(28) Neg+bhat khato h"to ? bhat khato n"h"to 'was eating rice'.
(29) Neg+bhat khai s"kyo h"to ? bhat khai s"kyo n"h"to 'was able to eat rice'.
Neg+suto che (14) ? suto n"thi
(30) Neg+bhat khai che ? bhat khato n"thi
(31) Neg+sui s"kyo che ? bhat khai s"kyo n"thi
Neg+bhat khai s"kyo (7) ? sui s"kyo n"hi ~sui na s"kyo
(32) Neg+bhat khai s"kyo?bhat khai s"kyo n"hi~bhat khai na s"kyo 'could eat
rice'.
Neg+suse (1) ? suse n"hi
Neg+bhat khase n"hi
Neg+k"r (8) ? k"ris n"hi
Neg+bhat kha (6) ? bhat khaso n"hi

The examples given below clearly establish that as far as the system of negation is concerned, the same rules apply to VP's having both V1's and Vt's.
The negative particle na, in addition to its occurrence within a VP (already stated earlier) can occur as a clause in itself, for instance,

na, hu) n"thi suto 'no, I am not sleeping'.

The position of the negative particle within a VP is not very rigid. In fact the negative particle precedes the verb or the M, as the case may be, when the negative aspect is to be emphasized, for instance,

(32) Neg+hu) suwe chu) ? (a) hu) suto n"thi 'I am not sleeping'.
(b) hu) n"thi suto 'I am (certainly) not sleeping'
(i.e., I am doing anything but sleeping).
(34) Neg+ hu) sui s"ku) chu) ? (a) hu) sui s"kto n"thi 'I could sleep.'
(b) hu) sui n"thi s"kto 'I couldn't sleep (because it was
impossible to sleep)'.

In summing up, it may be stated that though there are four distinct forms in Gujarati for expressing the aspect of negation, all these forms have a non-contrastive distribution. And the criteria for the distribution are the tenses ad the moods of the verb including the copula of a VP. In the case of VP's ending in a M, the negative particles n"hi and na are in free variation. The aspect of negation is indifferent to the opposition between a transitive and an intransitive verb. Thus we find that the aspect of negation forms a well-knit system in this language and this language and this system is evident even in those instances when two negation particles are in free variation.

Some Aspects of Hindi Negation

INDER SINGH

(C. I. I. L., Mysore)

IN THIS paper some aspects of Hindi Negation are explained by presenting the surface as well as deep structures of relevant constructions wherever essential. Explanation of various constructions is confined basically to the relevant sequences wherever the negative morpheme occurs.
In Hindi the Neg(ative) morpheme is realized in various positions in a sequence at surface level ; while at deep level it is immediately dominated by S(entence). Some such sequences where the negative morpheme figures are dealt with one after another in the section below.

1.1. Neg. V
Consider the following sentences

(1) kamla· nahi·ja·ti· he 'Kamla does not go'
(2) mohan nahi· a·yega· 'Mohan will not come'.
(3) lar?ka· nahi· dor?a' 'The boy did not run'.

When we look into the surface as well as deep structures of the above given sentences, we find Neg. at surface level in a pre V(erb) position, while, it is immediately dominated by S at its deep level. Permutation replaces Neg from its original place and brings it before V:
Neg NP VP = NP Neg VP.1

The surface structure of example (1) is as shown in Fig. 1.

fig

*I am thankful to K. Rangan, who encouraged me in this field and to R. N. Srivastva, Delhi University for his comments. My thanks are due to H. S. Biligiri for his valuable suggestions regarding presentation, and scope of this paper.
1Stylistic variations play a great role in languages in their grammatical set up. In Hindi also the position of Neg. is changed from Neg. V to V Neg. though

The deep structure of example (1) is as shown in Figure 2.

fig

Construction (2) and (3) have the same type of surface and deep structures, hens they need no explanation.
the elements remain the same. For example sentence (1) will be kamla· ja·ti· nahi· he. 'Kamla does not go' (emp.) similarly sentences (2) and (3) will be-
mohan a·yega· nahi 'Mohan will not come' (emp.)
lar?ka' dra· nahi 'The boy did not run' (emp.) respectively.

At present there is a great controversy about the methodology in dealing with such stylish variations and the changes in grammatical set up thereby. Hence, we may leave this problem for some other occasion.

2 Also the grammatical formations such as Aux. -ta· -ya· have to be explicity stated as how these continue with the preceding verb's operator's modal's etc. The diagrams assure the following combinations, given on the left and the results given on the right, i.e.,

fig

1.2 Negative Nominalisation

Consider the following sentences:

(4) kamla· anja·n he 'Kamla is ignorant'.
(5) mohan nirdos? he 'Mohan is innocent'.
(6) lar?ka· bekhabar he 'The boy is not alert'.

These sentences contain elements which are nominalised constructions from sentences like:

(a) kamla· nahi· ja·nti· he 'Kamla does not know'.
(b) mohan dos?i· nahi· he 'Mohan is not a culprit'.
( c) lar?ka· khabarda·r nahi· he 'The boy is not alert'.

Respectively. Here examples a, b, c can be explained in terms of sentences (1), (2), (3) explained in the previous section. The surface and deep structures of the construction (4) is as shown in Fig. 3 and Fig. 4 respectively. Similarly examples (5) and (6) also can be explained. It will be appropriate to state here that verbs like ja·n- (to know) par?h- (to read) etc., when they occur in sequences like Neg. V are nominalised, while verbs like ja·-
(to go), de- (to give) etc., are not nominalised.

fig

It should also be remembered that (-ya·) has concord with gender and number of subject. These diagrams also assume that if the direct object is animate/definite then, it is followed by the post-position ko and noun N before a post-position takes the oblique case.
For details are Kachru, Y. 1966, pp. 25.

fig

Those verbs which undergo negative nominalization can be further negated so as to give affirmative sentences. This phenomenon is dealt with in detail in the following section.

1.3. Double Negation3

There are two kinds of double negation:

I. Negation which gives affirmative sentences, and
II. Negation at two different places in the same sentence.

These are taken up one by one below :

1.3.1. Consider the following sentences:

(7) kamla· anja·n nahi· he
'Kamla is not ingnorant'.

(8) mohan nirdos? nahi· he
'Mohan is not innocent'.

(9) lar?ka· bekhabar nahi· he
'The boy is alert'.

3The occurrence of three Negative morphemes in a sentence without a co-ordinator is not possible in Hindi.

The surface and deep structures of example (7) is as shown in Fig. 5 and Fig. 6 respectively:

fig

Examples (8) and (9) also can be explained in a similar manner.

1.3.2. Consider the following sentences:

(10) anja·n kamla· nahi· ja·ti· he "The ignorant Kamla not go'.
(11) nirdos? mohan nahi· a·ta· he 'The innocent Mohan does not come'.
(12) bekhabar lar?ka nahi· d"r?ta· he 'The unalert boy does not run'. The surface and the deep structures of example (10) are as shown in Fig. 7 and Fig. 8 respectively.

fig

1.4. Some residual problems

1.4.1 The negative morpheme (mat).

It is a used in imperative sentences. For example:
(13) kamla·, mat ja· 'Kamla (you) don't go'.
(14) mohan, mat ja·o 'Mohan, (you) don't go'.
(15) a·p mat ja·iye '(Please) you don't go'.

1.4.2 The negative morpheme (na)

It implies request, probability or determination of the action. For example :

(16) a·p na ja·iye '(Please) you don't go'.
(17) mohan, abhi· na· ja·o 'Mohan, (you) don't go now'.
(18) ho na ho lar?ka· rota· ho 'It is possible that the boy is weeping'.
(19) musi·bate mera· man d?iga· na saki· 'The grievance could not alter my decision'.

These, as well as other realizations of negative morpheme at different places and at different levels, are rather difficult to explain ; hence we are merely listing them, without giving any solution at present. The negative morpheme is also realized in Hindi as follows:

(a-) avivek 'foolishness'.
(an-) anpar?h 'illiterate'.
(ni-) nirdos? 'innocent'.
(ni·-) na·samajh 'ignorant'.
(bina·) bina· kha·ye 'without eating'
(gair-) gairha·jir 'absent'.
(be-) bekhabar 'unalert'.
(-hi·n) jalhi·n 'without life.'
(-vihi·n) pran?vihi·n 'without air'.
(-šu·nya) va·yušu·nya 'without air'.
(-rahit) jalrahit 'without water'.

Bibliography

Chomsky, N., Syntactic Structures. The Hague, Mouton & Co., 1957.
Guru, K. P., Hindi Vyakaran. Nagari Pracharini Sabha, kashi, 1957. Pp. 146-147.

Kachru, Y., An Introduction of Hindi Syntax, University of Illinoois, Urbana 1966.

Klima, E. S., Negation in English. The structure of Languages (eds.) Katz and Fodor Prentice Hall Inc. 1964. Pp. 246-323.

Zimmer, K. E., Affixal Negation in English and other Languages, Monograph No. 5 supplement to Word 20.

Negation in Konkani

PUSHPA P. KARAPURKAR

(C. I. I .L., Mysore)

0. THE basic word for negation in Konkani, which puts forth the denial of facts,
proposals etc., is /na/ 'no' opposite of /h"y/ 'yes'.

1. Negation in Konkani, is mainly a feature of verb morphology. It is obtained by placing the negative particle either before or after the affirmative constructions.

1.1. The verbal constructions in Konkani may be simple or compound. The simple ones are made up of a single verb-root plus tense/ aspect marker (with an optional tense extension) further followed by gender-number-person markers. The simple verbal constructions may also contain an auxiliary. These are /as"p/ 'to be' or /jaw"p/ 'to happen'. The use of auxiliary /jaw"p/ 'to happen'. The use of auxiliary /jaw"p/ 'to happen' is restricted. It occurs only in its optative form whenever used as an auxiliary. /as"p/ has more freedom of occurrence and shows almost all the tenses and moods.

1.2. The compound verbal constructions are made up of two different verbs, in which the form of the first verb is fixed and the second verb shows all the categories of tense and moods. These verbs may still further be followed by auxiliaries.

2. As the auxiliary /as"p/ 'to be' plays a major role in verbal constructions, we will first discuss the negative particle /n-/ to the affirmative forms that/as"p/ shows:

They are as follows:

Affirmative Negative

2.1. asa 'is' na 'is not' imperfect

asta 'is' nasta 'is not' present-habitual

astlo 'will be' nastlo 'will not be' future

1The dialect taken here for analysis is spoken by Brahim Hindus of Goa.
2L convey my sincere thanks to H. S. Billigiri and A. R. Kelkar for their valuable help in writing this paper.

astalo 'used to be' nastalo 'was not used to be' past-habitual

also 'was' naslo 'was not' past

asillo 'had been' nasillo 'had not been' plu. perfect

2.1.1.

as"p 'to be' nas"p 'not to be' infinitive

aslyar 'if be' naslyar 'if not be' conditional

asu´k 'to be' nasu´k 'not to be' infinitive-participle

ascE) 'to be' nascE) 'not to be' infinitive-participle

2.2. There is one more negative marker /nh"y/ meanng 'is not' and which does not have any corresponding affirmative form. /nh"y/ does not show any gender, number, or person distinction. Its use is illustrated below by the following examples:

/t br asa/ 'He is well'.

/t br na/ 'He is not well'

/t br nh"y/ 'He is not good'.

or,

/t husar asa/ 'he is active (healthy).'

/t husar na/ 'He is not active'.

/t husar nh"y/ 'He is not clever'.

It will be clear from the above examples that /nh"y/ is used to negate the non-verbal sentences.

3. Now we will discuss the negative formation in all the tenses and moods. But at first the affirmative constructions will be explained as they form the basis for negative ones. All the affirmative forms are put into a chart below. The following abbreviations are used in the chart:

Gender=G, Number=N, Person=P.

Finite forms:

* raw 'stay'

N. P imperfect † raw-t-a- 'stays'

t al=G-N-P Past habitual1 raw-t-a-l-o 'used to stay'

()1-G-N-P Future raw-l-()1-o 'will stay'
" Past habitual2 raw-" 'used to stay'

G-N-P Past raw-l-o 'stayed'

L N-P Perfect raw-l-a 'has stayed'

l-G-N-P Pluperfect raw-ill-o~raw- l"l-o
(l-l  ill/l"l) 'has stayed'
N-P I, II Imperative raw 'stay'

N-P I, II, III Optative raw-"t 'may stay'

3.1.1. Non-finite forms:

"p infinitive raw-"p 'to stay'

l-yar conditional raw-l-yar 'if stayed'

t-ana adverb of concomitant action raw-t-ana 'while staying'

´k ~ u´k infinitive participle1 raw-´k 'to stay'

c ~ c -G-N-P infinitive participle2 raw-c-o 'to stay'

3.2. Both the habitual forms merge into one when they enter into negative constructions. Similarly both the future and optative forms have one negative. It is obtained by adding negative auxiliary in its present tense form to the infinitive participles. The negative in perfects is formed by placing the negative auxiliary in present and past tense form after infinitive participles. The negative in perfects is formed by placing the negative auxiliary in present and past tense form after infinitive participles. The imperative negative is formed by adding /naka/ 'don't want' with its number distinction to the affirmative form. The examples are given below:

Affirmative Negative
1. Habitual1 raw-"+n-as-past
Habitual2 ex. raw" naslo (did not use to stay)

2. Future raw-c-G-N-P+na
Optative ex. rawco na (will not stay or may not stay)

? The verb root /raw/ has been used for the purpose of illustration.
† All the examples are given in masculine gender and singular number.

Affirmative Negative
3. (a) Perfect raw-´k+na-N
ex. raw´k na/nan (has/have not stayed)

(b) Plu. perfect raw-´k+n-as-past
ex. raw´k naslo (had not stayed)

4. Imperfect raw-"-na/N
ex. raw" na/nan (does/do not stay)

5. Past raw+past+na
ex. rawlo na (did not stay)

6. Imperative raw+naka-N
ex. raw naka / nakat (do not stay)

3.2.1. Sometimes infinitive takes /na/, indicating the emphasis on the decision of not doing a particular thing. e.g.,

/th"ny w"c"p na/ 'no more going there'.
/th"ny r"w"p na/ 'no more staying there'.

4. As the been mentioned above a simple verbal construction may contain an auxiliary. These auxiliaries are /as"p/ and /jaw"p/. The constructions with /as"p/ are made negative by replacing the affirmative auxiliary with the negative one.

e.g., affirmative negative
/t rawtlo aslo/ /t rawtlo naslo/
'He would have stayed'. 'He would not have stayed'.

/t rawtlo astlo/ /t rawtlo nastlo/
'He would be staying' 'He would not be staying'.

/taka rawcE) aslE)n/ /taka rawcen naslen/
'He had to say'. 'He did not have to stay.'

4.1. The auxiliary /jaw"p/ occurs only in the optative form which is added to simple negative constructions mentioned above. E.g.,

/t rawtlo jayt/ 'He may stay'.
/t raw"na jayt/ 'He may not stay'.
/t rawtlo jayt/ 'He might stay'.
/t rawtlo najayt/ 'He might not stay'

4.1.1. /jayt/ can alsobe preceded by the forms of /as"p/ occasionally, e.g.,

/taka rawcen asa jayt/ 'He may have to stay'.
/taka rawcE)n asa jayt/ 'He may not have to stay'.

4.2 There is another type of construction formed by adding negative particle /nh"y/. It is again followed by forms of /as"p/. e.g.,

/tan?E) rawcen/ /tan?en raw cen nh"y/
'He should stay'. 'He should not stay'.
/tan?E) rawcen aslen/ /tan?E) rawE) nh"y aslen/
'He should have stayed'. 'He should not have stayed'.
5. The compound verbal constructions are made up of two verbs. The form of the first verb in the sequence is fixed, while the second verb shows all the conjugation. The first verb in the sequence is fixed, while the second verb shows all the conjugation. The first verb in the sequence either occurs as a gerund (/rawn/'having stayed') or as an infinitive participle (/rawn?k/ 'to say'.) The second verb in the sequence shows the simple verbal construction with its conjugation in negative.

Examples:

Affirmative Negative

/t b"sun rawtlo/ /t b"sun rawcona/
'He will continue to sit'. 'He will not continue to sit'.
/taka ulow´k y"talen/ /taka ulow´k y"naslen/
'He could speak'. 'He could not speak'.
*/t w"cu´k s"ktajayt/ /t w"cu´k s"k" najayt/
'He may be able to go'. 'He may not be able to go'.

6. There are two more verbs in konkani which behave in an entirely different way. These are /jay/-'want' and /jan?"/ 'know' having /naka/ 'don't want' and /n"k"l?"/ 'don't know' as their negative, respectively. These negative forms occur as they are in the imperfect tense, but they add an affirmative auxiliary when they show further conjugation.

Examples are given below:

(/taka/) /naka/ 'does not want' (imperfect).
/naka aslen/ 'did not want'(past).
/naka asillen/ 'had not wanted' (plu. perfect).
(/t/) /n"k"l?"/ 'does not know' (imperfect).
/n"k"l?" asillo/ 'had not known' (plu. perfect).

7. The negation in nominal forms is obtained by prefixing the negative particle /"-/, /bin-/ or /ni-/ to the stems. These forms are very few and most of them are borrowed from sanskrit.

e.g.,

"-wicari 'throughtless'.
"- s"ky 'impossible'.
"sp"s?t? 'unclear'.
bin-p"gari 'without salary'.
bin-molaco 'without any price'.
ni-lajro 'shameless'.
8. Some of the negative auxiliary forms are used as subordinating particles in complex sentences. These are as follows:

8.1 /nastana/ adverb of concomitant action'.

/sa´gu nastana w"cu naka/
'Don't go without telling'.
/t w"cu nastana rawt/
'He may stay (do) without going'.
/p"l?"y nastana k"sen s"mj"tlen/
'How one is to understand without seeing'.

8.1.2 The subordination in conditional sentences is either obtained by negative conditional sentences is either obtained by negative conditional form of the verb 'to be' /naslyar/ of 'to happen' /na jalyar/ both meaning 'if not'. /naslyar/ is added when the subordinated sentence is a copula sentence,

/na jalyar/ is added elsewhere, e.g.

1. /t"sn naslyar hanw w"ccenaslE)/
'I would not have gone if it was not so'.
/t th"ny naslyar tu) ptto y/
'You come back if he is not there'.

2. /t aylo na jalyar mhaka sa?/
'Tell me if does not come'.
/hanw gelen na jalyar kam jawcE) na/
'The work will not be done if I don't go'.

9. The negative particle /nalyar/ 'otherwise' is used as a co-ordinating conjunction in Konkani, e.g.,

/tun y nalyar hanw w"ccen na/
'You come otherwise I will not go'.
/t yent nalyar k"l?"yt/
'He will come or else he will inform'.

9.1 'neither . . . nor' sentences in Konkani are formed by having two negative sentence with the emphatic particle, e.g.,

/heny*na tenyna/ 'neither this nor that'.
/t yenwkuy na ani k"l?"nwkuy na/
'Neither did he come nor inform'.

9.2 The pronominal adjectivals and adverbials are formed in the same way.

kany na 'nothing'.
kennayna 'never'.
k"seyna 'in no way'.
kon?n?a 'no one, none'.

Negation in PunjabiI

SANYUKTA KOSHAL

( C.I.I.L., Mysore)

1. Negation is expressed in Punjabi by the negative markers nain and na, 'not'*. Negative forms do not show any distinction of number and gender.
2. Nain is used for all the present tense forms (Examples, 1 a-c, 2-a, 3a, 7a, 10, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20). For optative forms (Example 6), imperative (Example 5, 14) and compound sentences (Example 8) negative is expressed by the negative marker na. na and nain are optionally used for all the past (Example1 b-d, 2 b, 3 b, 7 b, 11, 13), future (Example 4) tense forms , conditioned sentences (Example 9) and interrogative sentences (Examples 22-a-b). The examples with nain forms, however are more common in the language.
3. In verbal phrases consisting of single verb (Examples l a-b-c-d,) or verb+auxiliary verb (Examples 2, 3), or Infinitive verb+auxiliary verb (Example 7), or Infinitive verb+verb+auxiliary verb (Examples 16-19), or verb stem+verb+ auxiliary verb (Examples 10, 15), or verb+auxiliary verb+verb+auxiliary verb (Example 21), negative marker nain can be placed before or after the main verb except in present perfect and past perfect (Example 3), compound sentences (Example 8) and in the second clause of conditional sentences (Examples 9), where it occurs only before the mains veerb (Examples 1-6, 8, a, 11, 13, 14, 21) except in the situation where it has a value of a negative interrogative in sentences (Example 22-b).
4. It is customary to drop hai, 'is' and hain, 'are' (present tense forms of the verb hona, 'to be', occurring as a main verb or as a helping verb in negative sentences (Examples, 1-a-b, 2-a, 3-a, 7-a, 10, 12, 15-20), except in the constructions indicating compulsion where hai is retained (Examples 7-9).
Examples are given below to illustrate the above statements.
Single verb (past/present tense forms)

1. Singular
(a) Ó mund?a hai 'he is a boy'
Ó mund?a nain (hai)1'he is not a boy'

or

Ó mund?a (hai) nain 'he is not a boy'
(b) Ó mund?a si, 'he waas a boy'
Ó mund?a nain /na si 'he was not a boy'

* It has to be noted that the negative marker nai has a rising tone which, however, has not been shown due to lack of type -faces.
1 The parentheses indicate that the form enclosed is deleted.

or

Ó mund?a si nain 'he was not a boy'

Plural

( c ) Santre mit?t?he hain 'the oranges are sweet'
Santre mit?t?he nain (hain) 'the oranges are not sweet'

or

Santre mit?t?he (hain) nain 'the oranges are not sweet'
(d) Santre mit?t?he si 'the oranges were sweet'
Sentre mit?t?he nain /na si 'the oranges were not sweet'

or

Sentre mit?t?he si nain 'the oranges were not sweet'

2. Verb+auxiliary verb (present/past tense)
(a) Ó bazar janda hai 'he goes to bazar'
Ó bazar nain janda (hai) 'he doe not go to bazar'

or

Ó bazar janda nai (hai) 'he does not go to bazar'
(b) Ó bazar nain /na janda si 'he does not going to bazar'

or
Ó bazar janda nain /na si 'he does not going to bazar'

3. Verb+auxiliary verb (present perfect/past perfect)
(a) main dre te aya han 'I have come on a tour'
main dre te nain aya (han) 'I have not come on a tour'
(b) main dre te nain /na aya si 'I have not come on a tour'

4. Single verb (future tense)
mund?a skul jawega 'the boy will go to school'
mund?a skul nain /jawega 'the boy will not go to school'

or

mund?a skul jawega nain 'the boy will not go to school'

5. Negation in Imperative mood
jawo 'please go'
na jawo 'please do not go'

6. Negation in optative mood
Ó bazar jawe 'he should fo to bazar'
Ó bazar na jawe ' he should not go to bazar'

7. Infinitive verb+auxiliary verb (present/past tense)

(a) main bazar jana hai 'I have to go to bazar'
main bazar nai jana hai 'I do not have to go to bazar'

or

main bazar jana nai hain 'I do not have to go to bazar'
(b) main bazar jana nai si 'I do not have to go to bazar'

or

main bazar jana nain si 'I do not have to go to bazar'

8. Negation in compound sentences
Óne na kuch khada na pita 'Neither he ate nor he drank'

9. Negation in conditional sentences
je tusi pár?de te pas honed 'If you had studied you
would have passed'
je tusi nain / pár?de te pas
nain /na honde 'If you had not studied you would
have not passed'

4. When negative marker is added to a affirmative sentences consisting of compound verb i.e. Infinitive verb+verb, verb stem+verb, the second inflected verb of the compound verb is dropped except, raina, sakna, paina, cána, caida (Example, 15-19), and the first verb is inflected. In combinations like noun+verb negative marker can be placed before the noun. Examples follow

10. Verb stem+verb+auxiliary verb (present tense)
Ó meri gal mán lain da hai 'he agrees to what I say'
Ó meri gal manda nain (hai) 'he does not agree to what I say'

or

Ó meri gal nain manda (hai) 'he does not agree to what I say'

11. Verb stem+verb+auxiliary verb (past tense)
Óne meri gal mán lai 'he agreed to what I said'
Óne me meri gal nain /na máni 'he did not agree to what I said'

or

Óne meri gal máni nain 'he did not agree to what I said'

12. Verb stem+verb+auxiliary verb (present perfect tense)
Óne meri gal mán liti hai 'he has agreed to what I have said'
Óne meri gal nain máni (hai) 'he has not agree to what
I have said'

13. Verb stem+verb+auxiliary verb (past perfect tense)
Óne meri gal mán lai si, 'he had not agreed to what I had said'
Óne meri gal máni nain /na, si 'he had not agreed to what I
had said'

or

Óne meri gal máni nain /na máni si 'he had not agreed to what I
had said'

14. Verb stem+verb+auxiliary verb (imperative mood)
meri gal mán lawo 'please agree to what I say'
meri gal na mano 'please do not agree to what I say'

15. Verb stem+verb+(rai na) auxiliary verb (present tense)
Ó bazar ja ráya hai, 'he is going to bazar'
Ó bazar ja ráya hai, 'he is not going to bazar'

or

Ó bazar ja nain ráya (hai), 'he is not going to bazar'

16. Infinitive verb+verb (cána)+auxiliary verb (present tense)

Ó kám karna canda hai 'he wants to work'
Ó kám karna nain canda (hai) 'he does not want to work'
Ó kám nain karna canda (hai) 'he does not want to work'

17. Infinitive verb+verb (caida)+auxiliary verb (present tense)

Ónu jana canda hai 'he should go'
Ónu jana nain caida (hai) 'he should not go'

or

Ó nu nain jana caida (hai) 'he should not go'

18. Verb stem+verb (sakna)+auxiliary verb (present tense)

Ó ga sakda hai 'he can sing'
Ó ga nain sakda (hai) 'he cannot sing'
Ó nai ga sakda 'he cannot sing'

19. Infinitive verb+verb (paina)+auxiliary verb (present tense)

mainnu pár?na hai 'I have to read'
mainnu pár?na nain painda hai 'I do not have to read'

or

mainnu nain pár?na painda hai 'I do not have to read'

20. Noun+verb+auxiliary verb (present tense)

Ó mera sath denda hai, 'he stands by me'
Ó mera sath nai denda (hai), 'he does not stand by me'

or

Ó mera sath denda nain (hai), 'he does not stand by me'

or

Ó mera nain sath denda (hai), 'he does not stand by me'

5. When the negative marker is added to a sentence consisting of verb+ auxiliary, verb+verb+auxiliary verb the last verb and auxiliary verb are dropped. Examples follow

21. Ó khar?a ho gaya hai 'he has stood up'
Ó khar?a nain hoya 'he has not stood up'

or

Ó nain khar?a hoya 'he has not stood up'

6. 22. Negation in interrogative sentences
(a) ki Ó awega? 'will he come?'
ki Ó nain/na awega? 'will he not come?'

or

ki Ó awega? 'will he not come?'
(b) Ó awega na? 'he will come won't he?'
nain na? 'no, isn't it?'

7. If the emphatic particle hi is following the main verb the negative marker is placed after or before hi if hi is following the noun the negative marker is placed after hi.

Ó hi janda hai 'he is going'
Ó hi nain janda (hai) 'he is not going'

or

Ó hi nain janda (hai) 'he is not going'
Ó hi janda (hai) 'only he is going'
Ó hi nain janda (hai) 'only he is not going'

8. In certain cases negation causes the ambiguity in the meaning e.g. * kha ke nai/na suta, may mean 'he went to sleep without having his meals' or 'he did not sleep after having his meals'.

9. It has been mentioned that in certain cases the negative marker can be placed before or after the main verb (section III) to find out what difference inmeaning is brought about by changing its place needs more checking. It may emphasize negation.

Some Aspects of Negation in Thadou

M.S.THIRUMALAI

(C.I.I.L., Mysore)

Thadou is a Kuki-Chin language of the Tibeto-Burman (sub) family spoken in Manipur Hills and adjoining areas. There are only three works which directly bear upon the grammatical studies of Thadou. The earliest work written specifically about Thado is by R. Stewart (1857). Stewart, who was a Lieutenant in the British Indian Army, gave an interesting but thumbnail sketch (or 'slight notice') of 'the grammar of Thadou or new Kookie langauge'. The second work is by Konow (Linguistic Survey of India, LSI, 1904). The LSI gave sketchy details about pronunciation and divided its grammatical notes into articles, nouns (gender, number and case), adjectives, numerals, pronouns and verbs (tenses, participles, voice, compounds, causatives, negatives and interrogative particles). This was definitely an improvement on Stewart (1857). The last one was by T. C. Hodson (192?). Hodson's work is exclusively a grammatical monograph and gave more linguistic information than any of the other two. However none of these can be considered comprehensive enough to gave a systematic account of Thdou grammar.

2. On the basis of their scope, the nagtives in Thadou may be classified into two major types. These are sentence negation and non-sentence negation types. The scope of the sentence negation type is over the whole sentence and in the case of non-sentence negation type, is over the whole sentence and in the case of non-sentence negation type, it is over a phrase or a single word only.

3. The sentence negation type is further classified into two sub-types, namely imperative and non-imperative. This classification is based on the distribution patterns of the negative particles involved; i.e., the imperative negative particle occurs only in the imperative sentences only.

4.1 Let us now consider the imperative sub-type. Compare the following two sentences:

(1) cithi-hi zihdoh in
letter-object marker to copy imperative particle
Copy (this) letter.
(2) cithi-hi zihdoh hih in
letter-object marker to copy not imperative particle
Don't Copy (this) letter.

The negative particle is hih and this is inserted between the main verb and imperative particle -in. In Thadou the qualifiers of the main verb do not precede it but follow the main verb. And a number of qualifiers (usually-not exceeding three) can follow and qualify the main verb. Hence we would say that the imperative negative particle hih should immediately precede the imperative particle -in.
4.2 As stated earlier the imperative negative particle does not occur with any other sentence types than imperative ones. However LSI states (page 68) that 'the negative particle is hi; thus, kein ka-num-hi-e ka-ti-hi-e 'I wish not I said not'; hung-hi-in 'do not come'. Another negative is poi; thus a-hi-poi, 'it is not', 'no'; ni-pe-poi, 'thou gavest not'; a-num-ta-poi, he wished not; kai-che-po-ng-e 'I will not go'. A third negative, lo or lou occurs in a-fa-lo 'good-not', bad; mighi-lon, 'bad, etc'.

4.3 Apparently there is some kind of inconsistency or confusion in the statements and examples found in LSI about the negative particles of Thadou.
First of all, in the passage quoted above note the emphasis the on hi. There are only three references other than the one quoted above in Kuki-Chin section of the volume about the negative particles of Thadou. These are as follows:

(a) There are apparently many negative particles (in Northern Chin sub-group of
Kuki-Chin group). Thado has lo and poi (page 8).

(b) The negative lo which is used in Thado, Paite, Lushei, Zahao, Lai Banjogi, Pankhu and Mhar is identical with the loi of Meithei, Rangkol and the lai of Langrong (page 19).

(c) the suffix of the negative imperative is hi-in ; thus lhai-hi-in, 'don't runayay'; yu-kam-hi-in, 'don't get drunk' (page 66).

Thus in the reference (a) which lists the negative particles, Konow fails to mention the imperative negative hih, which he, however does in the reference(c). This reference (c) gives hi-in as the imperative negative particle, but Konow does not stick to this form as the imperative negative particle. He shortens the same into hi and presents this as the negative particle in the section dealing with the details of Thadou grammatical structures (page 68, quoted earlier).

Altogether Konow gives four examples to illustrate the use of negative particle hi or hi-in. Of these four examples three are imperative sentences and only one is a non-imperative sentence. This example of a non-imperative sentence is taken from Specimen I of Thadou, a translation of the story of Prodigal Son in Bible, translated and supplied by one Babu Bisharup (1899) who was apparently a Manipuri/Meithei speaker.

All these points make one doubt the validity of Konow's suggestion that the negative particle hi occurs in all the sentence types, i.e., hi occurs in non-imperative sentences also. However the meagre data on hand will not allow us to come to any definite conclusion.

5.1 The second sub-type of sentence negation has its scope over non-imperative sentences. We will divide the non-imperative sentences further into two groups. These are copula or assertive group and non-copula group. The copula sentences have-ahi as copula/assertive particle which occurs in the sentence final position. The negative particle used in both the groups is -po- only, but the conditions of its occurrence are, however, different.

5.2 Consider the following sentences:

(3) kipi-n la a-sah-thei po-e
parrot-by song its-make-can not Number (singular)
The parrot can not sing.

(4) ka-mihilpu toh ka-kitoh
my teacher with my-agree
po-e
not Number (singular)
I do not agree with my teacher.

(5) tunin ama a-lum po-e
today he his-sleep not Number (singular)
He does not sleep.

(6) ken ca: ?Lah ka-nei-po-e
I/by me bread my eat not Number (singular)
(rot?t?i)
I do not eat bread (rot?t?i).

Note that in the above non-copula group of sentence the negative particle occurs immediately before the singular number particle.

Incidentally note that one of Konow's negative particles is poi and not po. The actual composition of poi is only po-e where -e is the singular number particle which by a morphophonemic rule becomes a glide. This proposition is confirmed by the following pairs of sentences:

7. (a) tunin ama a-lum-e
today he his-sleep Number (singular)

(b) tunin amaho a-lum-uve
today they their-sleep Number (plural)

(c) tunin ama a-lum-po- (u) ve
today he his-sleep-not Number (singular)

(d) tunin amaho a-lum-po- (u) ve
today they their-sleep-not Number (plural)

8. (a) ken ca?Lah ka-nei-je
I/by me bread my-eat Number (singular)
(b) keihon ca: ?Lahho ka-nei-juve
we/by us bread our-eat Number (plural)

(c) ken ca: ?Lahho ka-nei-po-e
I/by me bread my-eat-not Number (singular)

(d) keihon ca: ?Lahho ka-nei-po- (u) ve
we/by us bread our-eat-not Number (plural)

5.3 In copula or assertive group of sentences, the negative particle po occurs immediately after the copula particle-ahi and is immediately followed by the number particle.

Consider the following sentences:

13. (a) cihi na?ma na-saha:u ahi
this you your-bag Copula
This is your bag.

(b) cihi na?ma na-saha:u ahi-po-e
This you your-bag Copula nor Number (singular)
This is not your bag.

(c) hiceho na?ma na-saha:uho ahi-ave
these you your-bags Copula-not Number (plural)
These are your bags.

(d) hiceho na?ma na-sahauho ahi-po-(u) ve
these you your-bags Copula-not Number (plural)
These are not your bags.

In the above examples the negative particle po occurs in between the copula/assertive particle and the number particle.

However note that a singular positive copula type of sentence does not have any number explicitly marked. For this let us compare once again 13 (a) which is a singular positive sentence with 13 (c) which is a plural positive sentence:

13. (a) cihi na?ma na-sahau ahi
this you your-bag Copula
13. (c) hiceho na?ma na-sahauho ahi-uve
these you your-bags Copula Number (plural)

Here was find no specific particle to indicate singular number in 13 (a) and thus we would propose that singular number is unmarked in the positive sentences of copula/assertive group.

Now, compare 13 (a) which is a singular positive with 13(b) which is a singular negative sentence:

13. (a) cihi na?ma na-saha:u ahi
this you your-bag Copula
13. (b) cihi na?ma na-saha:u ahi-po-e
this you your-bag Copula-not Number (singular)

Here we find a specific particle in 13(b) to indicate singular number and this occurs in the sentence final position. Thus we would propose that singular number is marked in the negative sentences of copula/assertive group.
Compare also 13(c) which is a positive plural sentence of copula group with 13(d) which is a negative plural sentence of copula group. Here we find that in both the cases the plural particle occurs.
The following examples further exemplify the unmarked nature of the positive copula/assertive group of sentences in the singular.

14. (a) cuce pojncu a-je?jem ahi
that dress its-yellow Copula
That dress is yellow.

(b) cuce poncu a-je?jem ahi-po-e
that dress its-yellow Copula-not Number (singular)
That dress is not yellow.

(c) xuceho ponhocu a-je?jem
those dresses their-yellow ahi-(u) ve Copula Number (plural)
Those dresses are yellow.

(d) xuceho ponhocu a-je?jem ahi-po-(u)
those dresses their-yellow ve Copula not Number (plural)

14. (a) cuce pojncu a-je?jem ahi
that dress its-yello Copula
That dress is yellow.

(b) cuce poncu a-je?jem ahi-po-e
that dress its-yellow Copula-not Number (singular)
That dress is not yellow.

(c) xuceho ponhocu a-je?jem
those dresses are yellow.
Those dresses are yellow.

(d) xuceho ponhocu a-je?jem ahi-po-(u)
those dresses their-yellow ve Copula not Number (plural)
6.1 The particle used to express non-sentence negation is lou and its scope is over a phrase or a word only.

6.2 Consider the following sentences:

(15) na-hasim lou-le na-fail-di?-ahi
your-read not-if you-fail-will-Copula
If you don't read, you will fail.

(16) ahi-lou-le, ama a-ce-di?-ahi
is-not-if, he-his-go-will-Copula
If not (otherwise) he will go.

Note that in the above two examples the negative particle lou negates the sentence initial phrases only; the sentences remain unaffected. Note further that these sentences do not require singular number marked as in the case of sentences which contain po as the negative particle.

6.3 The word negation helps to coin contradictory terms in Thadou. Consider the following examples:

a-pha apha-lou
good good-not, not good
aphacom aphacom-lou
essential essential-not, not essential
ahoi ahoi-lou
nice nice-not, not nice

In the above examples we find that the addition of lou to the adjectives gives us corresponding contradictory terms.

7. Summary : We find that there are three negative particles in Thadou. These are hih, po and lou. The negative hih occurs only in imperative sentences and hence we call it as imperative negative particle. The negative po occurs in non-imperative sentences and it should always be followed by number particle (singular or plural).

We find also that in the copula group of sentences, copula/assertive particle should immediately precede this negative particle. Furthermore we find that, taken together these two particles account for sentences negation in Thadou and that non-sentence negation is expressed by the particle lou. The scope of this particle is over a phrase or a word. We find also that the occurrence of this negative particle does not require a sentence to be marked for singular number.

However there are several points which did not receive our attention here because of lack of date. One such point is about the role of negative particles, especially lou, in the interrogative sentences. It is proposed to investigate these points at a later date.

References:

Hodson, T. C. 192? Thodo Grammar, Shillong.
Konow, Sten, 1904. Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. III, Part III.
General Editor G. A. Grierson.
Stewart, R. Lt. 1857. A slight Notice of the Grammar of the Thadou or new Kookie Language, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXV, 178ff.

Negative Transformations in Sindhi

LACHMAN M. KHUBCHANDANI

London University

In this paper an attempt is made to describe negative transformations in Sindhi. Particular transformations stated are not necessarily adequately formulated.

1.0 Declarative sentences:

1.1 The transformations (T) listed here will be defined for the simplest structures of their argument sentences. The general structure of declarative sentences (Sd) in Sindhi is as follows:

N V-ramU "ce tho 'Ram comes'.
NN+V-ramU nat?IkU DIse tho 'Ram sees a play.'*

N represents 'subject string', N+ 'object string' and V 'verbal string.'

1.2 The order of strings in a sentences (S) is quite flexible, N, N+ and V strings can occur in different positions in S. Initial string in S, usually, indicates prominence.

VNN+-Dlse tho ramU nat?IkU
N+VN- nat?IkU DIse tho ramU

1.3 A V-string consists of one or more verbs. Auxiliary verb is symbolised Vx and other verbs of the string as Va, Vb, etc.

ram" nat?IkU DIse 'Ram saw a play' V-Va
ramU nat?IkU DIse tho 'Ram sees a play' V- Va Vx
ramU nat?IkU DIse s"ghyo 'Ram could see a play' V- Va Vb
ramU nat?IkU DIse s"ghyo pye 'Ram could have seen a
play.' V- Va Vb Vx

1.4 The order of Vx is flexible in S. Vx can occur in any non-initial position of S. The string or the part thereof of preceding Vx usually connotes prominence in S.

*B, D, J, and G are implosives.

ma tho "JU nat?IkU DIse "cã 'I' m going to see a play today.'
ma "JU tho nat?IkU DIse "cã
ma "JU nat?IkU tho DIse "cã
ma "JU nat?IkU DIse tho "cã
ma "JU nat?IkU DIse tho

2.0 Negation of declarative sentences :

2.1 Usually S is negated by placing a negative-marker (G) before

V-string or in the middle of V-string.
TG 1: G; NN+ V? NN+ G1… V

ramU nat?IkU n" DIse s"ghyo 'Ram could not see the play.'
ramU nat?IkU DIse n" s"ghyo

2.2 When a V-string contains Vx, G1 occurs before Vx or before connectors-t" 'that', bI 'also', I 'even' (C1)-and Vx i.e. C1 Vx. In a negative sentence (Sg), final Vx is shifted in pre-final position.

TG 1a : G; NN+Va Vx?NN+G1 Vx Va
G; NN+Va C1 Vx?NN+G1 C1 Vx Va
ramU nat?IkU n"tho DIse
ramU nat?IkU n" bi tho DIse 'Ram doesn't also see the play.'
2.3 G1 Vx can optionally occur in the initial position of S as well.

TG 1b: G; NN+ Va Vx?G1 Vx NN+ Va
n"tho ramU n"tho DIse

2.4 When a particular string or a part of the string is to be specifically negated, the neg. marker follows that string or the part thereof.

TG 2: G; NN+ V ? N G1 N+ V
N N+V G1

ramU kon" nat?IkU DIs"ndo 'Ram will not see the play.'
ramU nat?IkU Dlt?ho kon" 'Ram did not see the play.'

2.5 The neg. markers occurring in TG 1 and TG 2 are as follows:

G 1: n" 'specific negation'-'no, not.'

kon" (mas.)
kan" (fem.) 'general negation'-'not such.'

kin" 'emphatic negation'-'never.'
ramU indo 'Ram will come'
ramU n"indo 'Ram will not come (specific).'
ramU kon" indo 'Rama will not come (general).'
k"mla kan" indi 'Kamla will not come (gen).'
k"mla kin" indi 'Kamla will never come.'

In present colloquial speech, the distinct connotation of these neg. markers is in a fluid stage and these freely very among themselves. But in literary dialect, attempt is made to retain these distinctions.

2.6. G1 occurring before III present tense-ahe 'is', ahln 'are' (root hU"n?U 'to be') are combined in one as the result of external sandhi.

n" ahe ? nahe 'is not'
kon" ahe ? konhe 'is not'
kan" ahIn ? kanh"n 'are not'
kin" ahIn ? kinh"n 'are not'

2.7. In the negative transformation (TG) of S beginning with a certain connector-C2, G occurs usually in the initial position.

TG 3a: G; C2 NN+ V ? G2 C2 NN+ V

t" mã gh"r h"lyo vendUs 'Then I shall go away to my place.'

n"t"
n"t"t" mã gh"r h"lyo vendUs 'Otherwise I shall go away to my place.'

(i) In this T only one neg. marker-n" (G2) can occur.
(ii) Connectors of this class (C2) can be listed as under:
t" 'then', v"ri 'again', poi 'after', etc.
(iii) n"t" and n"t"t" freely vary.

2.8. The negation of S beginning with certain adverb-kUjhU 'partly', gh"n?o 'mostly' (Da)-also places G2 in the initial position, replacing Da.

TG 3b: G ; Da NN+ V ? G3 NN+ V

kUjhU p"chtayo "th"m 'Partly I have repented.'
n"ki p"chtayo "th"m 'Nor I have repented.'

2.9. The negation of S beginning with adverb-ko (m.), ka (f.), ki (general) 'probably that' (Db)-adds Ga in the initial along with Db.
TG 3c: G; Db NN+ V ? G3 Db N N+ V

ko tu gh"r ayo hUe 'Probably (either) you had come home.'
n"ko ko tu gh"r ayo hUe 'Neither you had come home.'
G3 represents n"ko (m.), n"ka (f.) n"ki (gen.) neg. markers.

2.10. The order of these connectors (class C2) and adverbs (a and b) in S is quite flexible. C2 (with or without G) can occur after any string in the S as well. Da and Db (with or without G) can occur only after any non-final string.

N G3 C2 N+ V-mã n" t" gh"r vendUs
N N+ G3 Db V-tu gh"r vendUs n" t".
N G3 N+ V -mu n"ko p"chtayo ahe
N N+ G3 Db V- tu gh"r n"ki ki ayo hUe

3.0 Negationof Imperative sentences:

3.1. The negation of simple and future imperative sentence (Si, Sf) is similar to that of declarative sentence (TG 1 and TG 2) with following limitations :

(i) TG 1a and TG lb do not operate in imperative transformations.
(ii) N-string can be deleted optionally.

3.2. TG 4: It operates in the same fashion as TG 1.
TG 4a: G; (N) N+ Vi ? (N) N+ G2 . . . Vi
TG 4b: G; (N) N+ Vf ? (N) N+ G4 . . . Vf
(tu) kitabU kh"n?i n" v"ñU 'Don't take away the book.'
(tu) kitabU kh"n?I m"tã v"ñi 'You shouldn't take away the book.'
Here V1 represents 'Imperative' and Vf 'future Imp.'

3.3. TG 5 : It denotes specific negation. It operates in the same fashion as TG 2.

(N) N+ V ? (N) G N+ V : V=Vi or Vf
(N) N+ V G : G=G2 or G4

kitabU kh"n?U n"
n" kitabU kh"n?U
kitabU kh"n?U n"
m"tã kitabU kh"n?i

3.4. In Sf, G4- 'm"tã' occurs in initial position before
N-string as well. 'n"' does not occur in this position.

TG 5a : G ; N N+ Vf ? m"tã N N+ Vf
m"tã tu gh"r vIhi 'You shouldn't sit at home.'

3.5. In Si only neg. marker-n" (G2) occurs. In Sf, 'n"' and 'm"tã' (G4) occur in TG 4b and only 'm"tã' occur in TG 4b and only 'm"tã' occur in the final position of TG 5 and in the initial position before N-string (TG 5a).

The connotation of these beg. markers is as follows:
G2-n" 'general order'
Gd- n" 'general advice'
m"tã 'forbidance'

3.6. n" (ni) m"tã with weak stress, denoting adverb of doubt 'possibly, if, will' also occur in imperative sentences and contrast with negative 'n"' and 'm"tã' (with stress).

Bar" n" m"tã "c"n 'Well, possibly children may come.'
Bar" n" m"tã "c"n 'Well, children should not come.'
Bar" n" khain 'Children might eat.'
Bar" n" khain 'Children should not eat.'

4.0 Interrogative sentences:

4.1. Any Sd and Sf can be transformed into 'yes or no' question (Sq) by replacing falling terminal contour ? with rising terminal contour ?.

TQ 1: Q ; S ? ? S ?
tu Iskul vende ? 'You will go to school.'
tu Iskul vende ? 'Would you go to school?'

4.2. For transforming interrogative sentences other than Sq (symbolised SQ), question-marker (Q) is placed usually in the initial position of Sd or Sf (affirmative or negative). In such case Vx of Sd shifts to pre-final position. When specific interrogation is about particular string or a part of the string, Q occurs after that string or part thereof.

TQ 2: Q ; S ?Q . . . . S
Q . . . . N N+ Vx Va
tu pan?i pi tho 'You drink water.'
tu cho pan?i tho pi 'Why do you drink water?'

4.3. In a Sd with Vx, final string question-marker-cho 'why' occurs along with Vx.

TQ 2a : Q ; N N+ Va ? N Va N+ Q Vx
tu pi pan?i cho tho

5.0 Negation of interrogative sentences:

5.1. For negation, Sq operates in the same manner as Sd operates in the same manner as Sd (TG 1, TG 2 and TG 3) with following additions:

5.1. In Sq or negative Sq, a neg. Q-marker-'kin"' 'or not' (G5) occurs in different positions of the sentence.

TG 6; G ; Sq ? G5 . . . . Sq
kin" to zunn" k"yo ? 'Or didn't you kill ?'

5.2. Final n" ? (with rising terminal contour) can be added in place of falling terminal contour ? to any Sd Si or Sf (affirmative or negative) with the connotation of persuasion (Please, don't you agree?) or annoyance (Don't you listen?) in imperative S and confirmation (Isn't it?) in declarative S. n" ? is symbolized G6.

TG 7: G ; S ? S G6
hu Iskul n" vyon" ? - - - - 'Isn't that he didn't go to school?'
n" BUDU n" ? 'Please, don't you listen that don't drown yourself?'

5.3. SQ with Q-marker cho 'why' only can be negated. Neg. marker G1- n", kin", kon" kan"- is added after cho.
The interrogation of only affirmative Sd can also be negated, whereas the interrogation of neg. Sf (Sfg) can also be negated.

TG 8: G ; cho . . . .Sd ? cho G1. . . .Sd
G ; cho . . . . Sfg?cho G2. . . .Sfg

su chon" gh"r tho v"ñi 'Why don't you go home?'
chon" "JU "si nat?Ik" te n" h"lu 'Why shouldn't we drop going to the play today?'

5.4. The interrogation of SQ with Q-markers other than 'cho' is not negated. Instead n" with weak stress, denoting exclamation, unaccountability, can be added after Q in such sentences. Here n" ; SQ contrasts with Q ; Sg

chokri k"hr?I n" sUhn?i a 'What a beautiful girl !'
z"mis" k"hr?i n" phat?"t" a 'Which shirt is not torn?'

6.0 Conjunctive sentences:

6.1. Two sentences of same class (Sd, Si, Sf, Sq, SQ) are combined by placing conjunction (Cj)-E) 'and', yã 'or' -in between two sentences.

TC 1: Cj ; S1; S2 ? S1 Cj S2
ramU dIli" vendo E) moh"nU pune indo 'Ram will go to Delhi and Mohan will
come to Poona.'

6.2. Common strings or parts of strings S1 and S2 are optionally deleted after Cj.

N1 N+1 V1 Cj (N1 N+1) V2
k"mla k"pr?o v"t?h"ndi yã k"mla k"pr?o DIs"ndi
= k"mla k"pr?o v"t?h"ndi yã DIs"ndi
'Kamla will either buy or see the cloth.'

7.0. Negation of Conjunctive sentences:

7.1. For negating a conjunctive S (Sc) with conjunction E) or yã, a neg. marker G7 is placed usually in the initial position and the same or another neg. marker of G7 replaces Cj. For specific connotation initial G7 can shift after any string or a part of the string.

G7 class includes n", n"ko, n"ka, n"ki neg. markers.
TG 9 : G ; S1 Cj S2? G7 . . . . S1 G7 S2

ram" pesa n"ki DIna n"ki v"rta 'Ram neither gave nor took money.'

7.2. For negating interrogative Sc, the interrogative conjunct (Cq) yã 'OR?' is replaced by neg. Q-marker (G5) kin" 'or not?'

TG 10: G ; S1 Cq S2 ? S1 G7 S2
ram" kItabU p"r?hyo yã eUGo Dlt?ho 'Did Ram read or only see the book?'
ram" kItabU kin" rUGo Dlt?ho 'Whether or not Ram read the book or only saw the
book?'
sitã k"pr?o v"t?h"ndi kin" n" (v"t?h"ndi) 'Whether or not Sita will buy the cloth or
not?'

8.0 Combination of affirmative and negative sentences:

8.1. Aff. S and neg. S(Sa, Sg) can be combined according to TC 1 with E) 'and', yã 'or'. This transformation is further shortened by placing G2- n"-along with the uncommon portion of Sg, after Sa.

TC 2: Cj ; Sa; Sa ? Sa G2 Sg
to nat?IkU d?itho ; mu) nat?IkU n" DItho
to nat?IkU Ditho n" mu) 'You saw the play not I.'

8.2. When S2 is only the negation of S1 i.e. Sg1, the negated V- string or a neg. marker (Gg) "lae n" 'don't know whether is placed after S1.

TC Sa : yã ; S1 ; Sg1? S1 Vg
S1 Gg
tokhe nat?IkU v"n?e n" v"n?e 'You may like the play or not.'
tokhe nat?IkU v"n?e "lae n"

8.3. When Sg and Sa are combined by the conditional conjunct (Cc) t" 'if. . . .then', Cc along with the positive element of Sa, is placed within Sg after n" (G2).

TC 3: Cc ; N1 G2 N+ V ; V ? N1 G2 Cc N2 N+ V
ramU gh"r n" hundo t" gopalU (gh"r) hundo
ramU n" t" gopalU gh"r hundo 'if not Ram, Gopal would be at home.'

8.4. When the conditional string is adverb or indefinite pronoun, t" (Cc) is optionally deleted.

TC 3a : hu "JU n" indo t" sUbhã indo
hu "JU n" sUbhã indo 'He will come, if not today, tomorrow.'

8.5. When the conditional string is an indefinite pronoun-kUjhU 'something', ki 'something', ko 'some one (m.)', ka 'some one (f.)' and the same pronoun occurs in S1 and S2, pronoun of S1 is followed by n" (G2) and again the same pronoun.

TC 3b : Cc ; P G2 N+ V ? P G2 P N+ V
ko n" mIt?hai khaindo t" Byo ko khaindo
ko n" ko mIt?hai khaindo 'Some one or other will eat the sweets.'

8.6. n" occurs as conditional conjunct (Cc) as well and denotes the meaning 'when, if'.

ramU n" p"r?h"ndo t" z"rur pas thindo 'If Ram studies, he will certainly pass.'
mã n" ghIr?yUs t" mu) k"mla khe DIt?ho 'When I entered, I saw Kamla.'

9.0 Independent negative occurrences :

9.1. The order of neg. markers occurring independently can be listed as under:

(1) mUkhe kItabU De n" ? 'No'
'Give me the book.'
(2) tu) v"ñi gh"r aram ker n"ko ? /n" ? 'Not that'. 'No I can't do'.
'You go home and rest.'
(3) hu Dad?ho sUt?ho man?hu ahe n" n" ? 'No, no, (I don't agree.)'
'He is a very good person.'
(4) tu) "JU "sa v"t?I mani khaU n" n" n" ? 'No, please (don't press me)'
'You dine with us today.'
(5) tu) šagIrd" sã s"xti k"r h"rgIz n" ? 'No. Is it?'
(6) ramU j"pan n"tho v"ñe n" ? 'No. Is it?'
'Ram is not going to Japan'
(7) tu) hIk" D"Brot?i t" v"thi "cIjãI b"s n" ? 'That's all. Is it?'
'Please bring a loaf.'

Other emphatic adverbs (De) can also occur in place of h"rgIz in sentence 5. bIlkUl, s"fa, asUl, k"D"h.

APPENDIX

Inventory of the symbols used

Cc Conditional conjuncts: t", n"
Cj Simple conjuncts: E), yã
Cq Interrogative conjunct: yã
C1 Connectors: t", bI, i
C2 ,, : t", v"ri, poI etc.
Da Quantifying adverbs: kUjhU, gh"n?o
Db Adverbs denoting possibility: ko, ka, ki
Dc Emphatic adverbs: h"rgIz, bIlkUl, s"fa, "sUl, k"D"h
G Negative marker
G1 TG 1, 1a, 1b, 2 and 8: n", kon", kin",
G2 TG 3a, 4a, and 5: n"
G3 TG 3b, and 3 c: n"ko, n"ka, n"ki
G4 TG 4b, 5, and 5a: n", m"tã
G5 TG 6 and 10: kin"
G6 TG 7: n" ?
G7 TG 9 : n", n"ko, n"ka, n"ki
G8 TC 2a; "laene
N Subject string
N1 First N-string in a transformation
Na Second string in a transformation
N+ Object string
P Indefinite pronouns: ko, ka, ki, kUjhU
Q Question-marker
S Sentence
Sa Affirmative sentence
Sc Conjunctive sentence
Sd Declarative sentence
Sf Future imperative sentence
Sfg Negative Sf
Sg Negative Sentence
Si Simple imperative sentence
Sq 'yes' or 'no' question
SQ Interrogative sentence other than Sq
S1 First sentence in a transformation
S2 Second sentence in a transformation
T Transformation
TC Conjunct transformation
TG Negative transformation
TQ Interrogative transformation
V Verbal string
Va non-auxiliary verbs in one string
Vb
Vf Future imperative
Vg Negated verb
Vi Simple imperative
Vx Auxiliary verb
V1 First verbal string in atransformation
V2 Second verbal string ina transformation