PRONOUNS IN GADE LOHAR DIALECT

J. C. SHARMA

(Kurukshetra University, Kurukshetra)

1. Introduction

Gade Lohar is the name of a Community and the name of their speech has been given as Gade Lohar Dialect. These people are wandering blacksmiths. They are found in Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Western Maharastra, Uttar Pradesh, Dehli, Haryana and Punjab States. They are identified with different names at different places i.e., are named as Gud?uliya Lohars, Lohpit?t?a Rajput Lahars, Bagri Lohars, Bhubaliya and Gade Lohars. These people move in groups with their carts (which are specially designed) from one place to another and work in iron and also trade in bullocks. Bullocks and carts are their main possessions with the help of which they move. They are nomads. These people also claim that they are descendents of Maharastra Pratap Singh and they are Rajputs. Their way of dressing and their customs show that they have come from Rajasthan and might have been decendents of Maharana Pratap Singh. My analysis is restricted only to a group of Grade Lohars, who move around Delhi. I have been meeting these people for the last two years, and my aim of presenting this paper is to bring to light some aspects of an Indo-Aryan dialect so far not described.

2. Pronouns

Syntactically Pronouns in Grade Lohar Dialect occupy the same position as the nouns and show relationship with nouns and verbs. In the dialect under consideration the pronouns are inflected for case and number like nouns. Pronouns lack the vocative whereas in the case of nouns and adjectives the post positions are easily segmentable. The pronouns and post positions are fused together. There are three classes of pronouns:

(i) Personal Pronouns.
(ii) Interrogative Pronouns
(iii) Relative Pronouns.

All these pronouns are inflected for two numbers (singular and plural) and two
cases (direct and oblique). The oblique occurs with post positions like the agentive marker -e, object marker n"e, and the possession marker /-r-/.

The personal pronouns distinguish three persons. The third person pronouns show a further distinction between remote and proximate. They may be called demonstrative pronouns also.

All the pronouns are listed below with examples. It will be found that the oblique frequently shows two forms of which the first occurs with -e and the second occurs with n"e and -r- whenever the direct shows two forms they may be taken to be in free variation.

Before proceeding to list the pronouns, it may be useful to mention a few morphophonemic rules which enable the reader to undersatand some of the forms.

(i) "+e? "e
(ii) "e+i?"i
(iii) m and n are germinated between two vowels.

First Person
Singular Alternant with Plural
Direct hun "mme
Oblique (i) m"- "mm-
(ii) mha- "mma-

Example: hun khau n chu n. 'I eat'

"mme rate uv"en glya
'We went there yesterday'
m"e chokra n"e kut?yun h"ttun
'I beat the boy'
a mhari gay ch"e 'This is my cow'
"mme pani piddUn h"ttUn 'We drank the water'
a "mme bhai ch"e 'This is our brother'

Second Person

Singular Alternant with Plural
Direct tun t"mme
Oblique (i) m"- "mm-
(ii) mha- "mma-

Examples:

tun kam keri rIyo ch"e 'you are working'
t"mme rate kyan gIya hetta 'where did you go yesterday'
t"e kam k"ryun ch"e 'you have done the work'
a tharo macco ch"e 'this is your cart'
t"mme a kam k"ryun 'you did this work'
t"mmaro bhai kyan ch"e 'where is your brother'

Third Person
Remote
Singular Alternant with Plural
Direct O O (Ø is the plural)
Oblique (i) un?-
(ii) O- uvan

Examples:

O jai rIyo ch"e 'He is going'
O h"gl?ain jai rIya ch"e 'They all are going'
Un?e a kam k"ryun 'He did this work'
Oro bhai jai rIyo 'His brother is goind'
uvane a kam k"ryun 'They did this work'

Proximate
Singular Alternant with Plural
Direct (i) a
(ii) I "e
Oblique (i) in?-
(ii) "e iyan

Examples:
a ghor?o mharUn keyyun mann"e ch"e 'This horse is obedient to me'
i chokri h"khri ch"e 'This girl is good'
"e chok"rIyan l"r?I r"iyan ch"e 'These girls are quarrelling'
in?e chokrae k"yyun 'This boy said'
"e ghor?o n"e pan?i pai lya 'Take this horse for drinking water'
iyane chokra ne k"yyun. 'These boys said'

Interrogative Pronoun

Human
Singular Alternate with Plural
Direct kUn?
Oblique (i) kin
(ii) k"e ki-

Examples:

kUn? avyo ch"e 'who has come'
kUn? avyo ch"e 'who have come'
kin?e a kam k"ryun 'who did this work'
a t?ab"r k"eyun ch"e 'whose child is this?'
k"eyun uvann"e kut?ya 'who beat them?'

Non Human
Singular Alternant with Plural
Direct chun chun
Oblique ch"e ch"e

Examples:
a chun ch"e 'what is this?'
"e chun ch"e 'what are this?'
ripiya ch"e 'In what the money is?'
mhara cyar kur?ta ch"e upper ch"e 'On what my four shirts are?'

Relative Pronoun

Singular Alternant with Plural
Direct jo jo
Oblique (i) jin?
(ii) j"e jiyan -

Examples:
jo an kam k"r"e ch"e o mharo bhai ch"e '(The person) who works here is my
brother'
jo an kam k"r"e ch"e oh"gl?ani mhara bhai ch"e '(The persons) who work here
they all are my brothers'.
jin?e a kam k"ryun o bhai ch"e '(The person) who did this work is my brother'.
hun j"en"e hojto hotto o m"nn"e koi laddhoni '(The person) whom I was
searching did not meet me'.
jiyane a kam k"ryun o h"khra admi ch"e '(The persons) who did this work are
nice'.

THE LONGEST GOLD PLATE INSCRIPTION IN MALAYALAM

A Note on its Linguistic Aspects

CHUMMAR CHOONDAL

(St Thomas College, Tiruchur)

This paper is an attempt to bring out certain linguistic aspects of the longest gold plate inscribed in Malayalam characters. It contains a treaty between the Zamorins of Calicut and the Dutch East India Company in the year A. D. 1691. The text of the deed is based on the version published by K. Kunjunni Raja1. The original is kept in the India Office Library, Londona. Dr Raja who published the document has not commented on the content or its linguistic peculiarities. He remarks 'I have copied this deed as I have found it. I have not attempted to correct even the obvious mistakes in the text. Even the meaning was not clear in certain passages. Therefore it is not unlikely that mistakes have crept into this copy'.3
The Malayalam language had acquired its distinctive features by about the 12th century and in this official document of the close of the 17th century we find it in a well developed form. The text of the neatly executed deed is praise worthy for its precise and matter of fact style and abundance of foreign loan words and colloquial expressions. The document is decided into eleven articles (Avastas).

1

The forms showing distinctive features in Malayalam are dealt with below. A number of loan words are used in this document

Kompañi, a loan word is supposed to be a colloquial shift from the English word Company. It is really a direct loan from the old French language kompoññi. The same word is used in five different forms without changing this meaning. Since this word has got great singnificance in the history of Kerala4.

landa is another loan word from the Dutch meaning Holland. The term Holland becomes lands; both elanda and land are used in the text. Kunjan Nambiar, one of the ancient Malayalam poets of the 16th century

1K. Kunjun?n?i Raja, 'Pontakitilelutiya Caritra rekakal'. Bhas?agaves?an?am, Mangal?odayam, Trichur, Kerala-1962, pp. 250-260.
2 The details of the gold plate is as follows: Breadth 1 3/4", length: 80",
3 Bhas?agaves?an?am, p. 251.
4 Padmanabha Menon, K. P. 'Kocci rajya caritram'.

used this word in his famous Tul?l?al poems5. And also there are other words whose origin cannot be easily traced out. Paradeijati is a loan translation for 'foreign caste'.

2
Phonetic Changes

ai for a:
e.g. Malaiyalam, caita
c>s'
e.g., Vacakam>Vosakam, calur>Salur
d>s
e.g., anuvadam>anuvasam
S>t
e.g., samutiri>tamutiri
a>aa
avvan?n?am> avvan?n?am>this intial aa is extremely rare in modern Malayalam and even in Tamil.
h>Ø
e.g., hetu>etu the initial 'h' is dropped.

The influence of colloquial Malayalam is vividly reflected in the following expressions. periyaduromãr>peyyaduromar; Urappau>uttappu nirbhagyam>narbhagyam; vipradipatti>viprotti; kalmas?am>kanmalam dosam>tosam; nirmmaryata>nirmmaryasa.
In muliña, instead of retroflex s? l? is used. It is a peculiarity of Malayalam language.

3

Morphological peculiarities

e.g. 1. kariakkaranmar means of the kings denotes the denotes the officers of the king double plural is employed to denote the grades of officers.

2. nat?t?adaya of the nad?u, nad?u+udaya for the singular generative from the plural
form is used.

3. rajyattinite of the country the singular genitive form is used.

4. 'Sarupattingal in the royal family' Neuter gender suffix is employed.

5 Sivasankara Pillai, P. K. Edited 'Kunjan Nambiyarute Tullal Kathakal' p.226.
'landakkulalum tol?illpu ttoru' (nal?a caritam)

Syntactical Peculiarities

The influence of Sanskrit construction is quite evident in the majority of sentences. The rule that the adjectives and noun should take the same -(one ending) can be seen in the following constructions.
e.g., Satrukkal paradesikal 'foreign enimies'.

4

Semantic Features

Kovilakam>kolilakom denoted in medieval Tamil, Temples only, but here original meaning of 'palace' has been retained.

Indiayenna malankora- 'India which is Malankara'-Malankara or Malabar, Synonymous for India as a whole.
This document throws some light on the history of kerala in the Dutch period. The word Pathakka is of historical importance and the name of the Dutch Coin Al-uvikkodu is the place name now known as Al?ikkodu which is located near Cranganore in Trichur District. Ayinikkt?t?il Nambidi was the famous Raja of the Cherulayam palace near Kunnamkulam. a la diyar means slaves (in general); the word is used in several occasions in the document.
This document disproves the widely held view of some native scholars that the inscriptional language fallows a set pattern and merits no detailed study. It is obvious to note that at the time of dictation some scribal errors have occurred in this document. In view of a linguist all those words need not be taken into consideration for a detailed study. Some old words (e.g., erandu) archaic forms, colloquial phrases (e.g., uruttukondu) etc., throw light upon the spoken language of the people. The phoneticl, morphological and syntactical aspects of this document reveal the state of Malayalam language at the close of 17th century. This note is intended only to draw the attention of the scholars to the peculiarities of this most famous document.

POSITION OF LAHNDA IN NORTH-WESTERN GROUP OF
INDO-ARYAN LANGUAGES*

THAKUR DASS

(New Delhi)

Lahnda is an Indo-Aryan language. Like Sindhi, it speakers are scattered now in various parts of the country. It has certain pockets in the states of Haryana, Panjab, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and in the Union territory of Delhi. Before partition of the country (1947), Lahnda was spoken in the western part of undivided Punjab and North Western Frontier Province. Grierson, in his Linguistic Survey of India (Vol. VIII, Part I) has enumerated about twenty-two dialects of Lahnda. We may not go into such details and broadly divide it into two main varieties, taking salt ranges as the diving boundary- North-Eastern variety and North-Western variety.

For the purpose of the present study, the North-Western variety has been used. The name of the dialect, whose data has been utilised is Bahawalpuri of which the author is a native speaker. This variety of Lahnda has withstood the forces of Linguistic acculturation due to its special phonological features.
Lahnda belongs to the North-Western group of Indo-Aryan languages. Grierson has classed it as a dialect of Panjabi and has named it as 'Western Panjabi'. Even after doing so, he at places, is not clear if he treats Lahnda as a dialect of Panjabi or as a separate language with various dialects. Grierson's main argument for grouping Lahnda with Panjabi seems to be the retention of a similar features in both the languages. This is a feature of 'shared retention' of proto-geminates.
Synchronically, Lahnda attests similarities of phonological features both with Panjabi and Sindhi. The purpose of the present study is, therefore, to examine its closeness with Panjabi and Sindhi and to confirm or refute the assumption of Grierson and other scholars who followed, more or less, the same line of thinking. Kashmiri, through distantly related, has been chosen to give a greater time depth and to highlight the methodological implications.
The study is based on a data of 200 items (Morris Swadesh's list) with certain modifications. The synchronic data of the four languages has been collected by employing 'Informant Technique' and phonemicised.

*The present study is based on my M.Litt. dissertation entitled 'A Controlled Comparative Reconstruction of Kashmiri-Lahnda-Panjabi-Sindhi', submitted to the Department of Linguistics, University of Delhi, in partial fulfillment for the degree of M.Litt. in Linguistics in the year 1969. I like to record my sincere gratitude to Dr Bal G. Misra, who supervised my work and to Dr D. P. Pattanayak whose Ph.D. thesis 'A Historically Controlled Reconstruction of Oriya, Assamese, Bengali and Hindi' presented the guidelines for my study.

The phonological elements of the proto-language have been reconstructed following the well-known methodology of Comparative Method. The inference drawn are strictly on the basis of data and the results achieved are tentative and subject to modifications with additional evidence.
The synchronic phonologies of the four languages, under study, have the following peculiar phonological features,
(1) Kashmiri attests three series of stops (voiceless unaspirates, voiced unaspirates and voiceless aspirates).
(2) Panjabi has also three series of stops (voiceless unaspirates, voiced unaspirates and voiceless aspirates) and three tones high-falling low-rising, and level tone).
(3) Lahnda and Sindhi have four series of stops (voiceless unaspirates, voiced aspirates) and a set of implosives/b d * f and a series of five nasal consonants m n n? N ?.
We attest the following sets of correspondences as evidence for the reconstruction of implosives in the Proto-KLPS* phonology.

K L P S
(1) - b b b
(2) b B b B
(3) d D d D
(4) d d d d
(5) - D d? D
(6) d? d? d? -
(7) dz j j j
(8) dz J j J
(9) g g g g
(10) g G g G

Rigorously following the methodology of the comparative reconstruction, we could reconstruct five series of stops (including implosives) in the proto-languages. By doing so, we have to posit 'merger' of implosives and plosives in the case of Kashmiri and Panjabi. The implies the retention of the proto-feature in Lhnda and Sindhi.

The other alternative could be to treat the items with imlosives as a result of borrowing and to reconstruct only four series of stops in the proto-language, positing 'split' in the case of Lahnda and Sindhi. Though for the present data, the frequency criterian does not help us much to confirm our hypothesis, yet with more data, the hypothesis is more likely to be confirmed.
By following any of these hypotheses, the position of Lahnda does not change. In any case, it sub-groups with Sindhi and not with Panjabi.

*KLPS stands for the abbreviated form of Kashmiri-Lahnda- Panjabi-Sindhi.

If we reconstruct five series of stops, which is methodologically valid, it results in conflicting sub-grouping, Kashmiri and Punjabi form a sub-group and Lahnda and Sindhi another. The common innovation in the case of Kashmiri and Punjabi, thus, would be merger of implosives and plosives, whereas the other sub-group will retain the proto-feature. So far, there is no difficulty. When we further go into the phonological changes, we get that Panjabi separates from KP sub-group on the basis of voicing of proto VNC voiceless clusters. Kashmiri further innovates the deaspiration of the proto-voiced aspirates and many other individual changes. Panjabi also develops tonality. In LS sub-group, Sindhi separates from the sub-group on the basis of simplification of the proto-geminates whereas Lahnda retains that feature. But there is one important change, which is shared by Lahnda-Sindhi sub-group an also by Panjabi. This change is *VNC VI.?VNC vd. (p"nc) */p"nc/> /p"nj/ in LPS and /p"nts/ in Kashmiri. From the following family tree diagram the conflicting sub-grouping can be seen. There is repetition of a change which is shared by LS sub-group and by Panjabi also.

fig

If we work on the second assumption, i.e., treating implosives in Lahnda and Sindhi as a result of the mechanism of borrowing, the sub-grouping is neat and not conflicting. Moreover, we don't have to repeat the changes in the successive splits.

The presence of the implosives in the synchronic phonologies of Lahnda and Sindhi also confirms the validity of this hypothesis. Moreover this hypothesis has been confirmed by the multiple reconstruction. Historically also, we don't get evidence for the presence of implosives in the proto-stage of Kashmiri and Panjabi. Thus it appears to be a later development and particularly restricted to LS sub-group. Thus on the basis of sets No 2, 3+5, 8 and 10, plosives have been reconstructed, treating implosives to be a shared innovation of LS sub-group.

It may also be mentioned that initially this innovation does not entail structural change in the phonological system of both the languages. It is a case of phonemic re-adjustment. Later, as a result of borrowing and other mechanism of change (other than sound change) contrasts develop between the plosives and implosives and the implosives acquire a phonemic status in the sub-group.
LS sub-group further innovates a series of five nasal consonants from the three proto nasals */m, n & n?/. The stage of this development can be shown as under:

fig

At this stage, it is simply an allophonic change, as it occurs under statable environments. Later on, with the loss of homorganic stops following the nasal, the series of five nasals acquires a phonemic status in the phonologies of Lahnda and Sindhi.

As stated earlier, Lahnda shares with Panjabi the retention of proto-geminates. The following examples can be given:

K L P S
*sUkka hukh sUkka sUkka sUko 'dry'
k"nn- k":n k"nn k"nn k"nU 'ear'
*"kkh- ":ch "kkh "kkh "khI 'eye'
*pVtthi X pUtthi pItth pUthi 'back'
*c"kk- X c"kk c"kk c"kU 'bite'

This sub-grouping can be represented schematically in the following 'Family tree diagram'.

fig

To explain the above family tree diagram, it may be stated that Kashmiri splits of from the proto-language on the basis of 'De-aspiration of proto-voiced aspirates'. Synchronically, this is confirmed as the modern day Kashmiri shows absence of voiced aspirates.
LPS sub-group innovates the developments of *VNCvl.>*VNCvd.
Thereafter Panjabi branches of from the *LPS sub-group on the basis of development of tone.

fig

(Proto voiced aspirates develop initially into voiceless unaspirates followed by high-falling tone and elsewhere into voiced unaspirates stops preceded by low-rising tone.)
Then LS sub-group further innovates a set of implosives and a series of 5 nasals. The absence of these elements in other languages (Kashmiri and Panjabi) and its presence in Lahnda and Sindhi only confirms this developments.
As we have seen that Lahnda shares with Panjabi one proto-feature and innovates with Sindhi a set of implosives and a series of nasals. Of these two criteria of 'shared retention' and 'shared innovation', the second one is more cogent. Shared retentions may be due to linguistic and cultural borrowings whereas shared innovations have common period of development. According to Greenberg 'Common retentions are irrelevant to such sub-grouping. . . .The essential factor is shared innovation since shared retentions can always occur independently without a common period of development'.
Thus on the basis of the present study, it is clear that Lahnda forms a sub-group with Sindhi and not with Panjabi as it has splitted before the shared innovations of the LS sub-group and it definitely indicates that Lahnda is closer to Sindhi than Panjabi.

THE LANGUAGE SITUATION OF GOA

in the 16th and 17th Century

S. G. MALSHE

(S.N.D.T. Women's University, Bombay)

The Marathi reader is well familiar with the glowing terms1 with which Father Thomas Stephens (1549-1619) has praised the Marathi language. This English priest came to Goa in 1579 as a member of the Jesuit Portuguese Mission. He lived at Bassein near Bombay only for one year i.e. 1611. Forty years of the rest of his life, he spent at Salsatte (Goa) Mission. He wrote books as a necessary activity, complementary to his missionary work. In recent years the language of Gao has become a topic of hot discussion. Let us see if we find any enlightenment on this thorny issue from the works of this foreign missionary, who must have faced the language situation without any preconceptions.

Father Stephens' works are threefold. The grammar of Konkani dialect that he has written in Portuguese, Doutrina Cristã, a religious booklet in Konkani and Christian Puran?a, an epic poem of eleven thousand strophes in Marathi. If we find out the reasons why Father Stephens wrote his three works in three different language forms, it might help us to have a clearer picture of the question of the question of the language of Goa.

Let us first consider his grammar. The original name of this grammar is 'Arte Da Lingoa Canarim'. For a considerable period of time this grammar was in manuscript form. However, Its first edition came out at Rachol in 1640. Thereafter in 1858 Cunha Rivar edited and brought out its second edition in Goa. Father Lobo, a Christian missionary from Bandra, has translated this grammar into English. I have had a privilege of going through it in the manuscript form. The first edition of 1640 was not printed exactly as it was written by Father Stephens. It was edited and interpolated by other missionaries such as Diogo Rebeiro and at the very opening of this book, there is reference to this.

1Fr. Thomas Stephens, The Christian Puran?a, ed. J. L. Saldhana, Mangalore, 1907, I-i-122-125:
Zaissy haralla mazi ratnaquilla : Qui ratna mazi hira nilla
Taissy bhassa mazi choghalla : Bhassa Marathy
Zaissy puspa mazi puspa mogary : Qui parimala mazi casturi
Taissy bhassa mazi saziry : Marathiya
Paqhila madhe mayoru : Vruqhia madhe clpataru:
Bhassa madhe mayoru : Vruqhia madhe calpataru :
Bhassa madhe manu thoru ; Marathiyessi
Tara madhe bara rassy : Sapta vara mazi rauy sassy:
Ya dipichea bhassa madhe taissy : Holy Marathiya.

Generally the literature of a language comes first and the grammar afterwards. In any language the early works are religious narratives or a few tracts on practical subjects such as astrology, book-keeping etc. Through such compositions language becomes standardized and thereafter grammars are brought out. This is the usual course of events in the stabilization of a language. Basing on this common phenomenon, it has been argued that since Father Stephens brought out his Konkani grammar in the beginning of the 17th Century, it is obvious that a lot of literature must have been composed in the same language in the fifteenth and sixteenth century and then comparing the fact with Marathi language, it is concluded that since Konkani grammar cam earlier than the Marathi one, Konkani is necessarily much older and richer language by far. Apparently the conclusion seems unassailable but on a closer scrutiny it would be found to be hollow.

It must be remembered that people need no assistance of grammar to learn their mother-tongue. Education in older times was privilege of the higher few. Universal education that the higher classes received consisted solely of the study of Sanskrit. Excepting the books specially prepared for princes, there were hardly any text-books in India of those days, meant for curricular study of any native language as such. Indigenous languages were taught in a haphazard manner. There was hardly any grammatical purity or orthographical uniformity about it. Correspondence and accounts were things which were managed by practice and emulation. Moreover, the class who lived by writing, could always fall back on the Sanskrit grammar which was expected to help them in the study of vernacular languages. Through manuscripts and religious compositions, Puran?as and Kirtanas and other religious discourse new Indo-Aryan languages continued to become standardized. In short, grammar was not so indispensable in old times o learn one's mother-tongue.

But it was altogether a different matter with foreign missionaries like Father Stephens. The languages of India were in urgent need of an opportunity to inculcate among the people of this country the tenets of Christianity. Moreover, confession is a very vital part of all the work of a Christian missionary and local Christians could only confess in their native language. It was therefore, urgently necessary for the foreign missionaries to learn the local languages intimately. It is, thus, that we find that the pioneering books of grammatical rules and dictionaries of the native languages of Indian have been prepared by foreign missionaries. Foreign missionaries that came from Europe during the 16th and 17th century, generally came as members of the Portuguese mission, for the King of Portugal subsidized such missions. The newly converted Christains, then, did not understand Portugese. This point is well brought out in the first chapter of Christian Puran?a where the author has stressed the necessity of composing Marathi Puran?a2. Father Stephens has set out the background of his Christian Puran?a by composing a dialogue between the narrating priest and the curious listener. In this dialogue the listener says, 'That valuable time may not be wasted in the acts of sin, in Portugal there are many longer devotional narratives. But we have no knowledge of the Portuguses Language'.3

What I wish to submit, therefore, is that grammar written in Portuguese was not meant for the neo-Christians of Goa who did not know Portuguese then. If Father Stephens intended to write a book of grammar with a view to teach Konkani to the people of Goa, he would, necessarily, have had to fall back upon the technical parlance obtainable in Sanskrit Grammar and would, most probably, have had top write it in Marathi only. The inferences drawn to the effect that Konkani had a rich literary background and father Stephens and other missionaries strove to give it a status of fullfledged language are far from bring true.
Before I finish with this topic of the purpose behind the composition of Konkani grammar, I would like to dispel one misunderstanding- namely that before the beginning of the 17th century i.e., before Father Stephens composed his Konkani grammar, Marathi knew no grammar. Till recently the rich treasure of literature of the Mahanubhav sect was unknown to the Marathi reader. But now people are fully aware of the Marathi literature of this sect, which flourished at the same time as Jnyaneshwar i.e., the end of the thirteenth century. Pandit Bhishmacharya, a Mahanubhav post of the 15th century, has written two books on grammar ; 'Namavibhakti' and 'Prabhandhakarika'. Out of these 'Panchavartika' has been printed in full in M. S. Mone's book 'Marathi Bhasheche Vyakaran?a Prabhandhakara'4. Therefore, the contention that Konkani had grammar much before Marathi had any, does not hold water.
Let us now turn to the other work to father Stephens i.e. Doutrina Christa, the first book in Konkani dialect. This Doutrina is a booklet giving working knowledge of the main principles and tenets of Christianity. The language in which it is written is called by the author Lingoa bramana Canarim, that is to say the Konkani spoken by the Brahmins of Goa. This appears to be the first book ever composed in Konkani. In other words this booklet marks the beginning of the Christian literary tradition

2 Ibid., I, i-126-145.
3 Ibid., I, i-39-141.
Aisse avideche sangaty : Anequê carmê acharaty :
Ya passoni vissaraty : Bhactipanthu
Hê nivaraveya carannê : Phringuiyachâ dessî hati purannê:
Ti vachoni tethila zanu : Cramauity vellu.
Vachoni manî ghenty ulassu : nite seuity catha rassu
Panna te dessiche bhassessi abheassu : Nahî amâ.
4 M. S. Mone, Marathi Bhasheche Vyakaran?akara va [Vyakaran?a Prabhandhakara, Poona, 1927, pp. 89-118.of Konkani. This booklet consists of 80 pages and it is catechetical in form. It is composed of a few dialogues between the master and a disciple. This catechism was first published in point at Rachol in 1622. It was, however, in circulation in manuscript form for several years before its publication. The 3rd provincial Conference of Christian Missionaries was held in Goa in 1585, of which we find a report in Cunha Rivar's treatise on Konkani5. This conference had given a directive that the 'Doutrina' which gives a bare outline of the principles of Christianity, should be translated into the Indian languages. In pursuance of the said directive and with a vie to tech the rudiments of Christianity to the children of Neo-Christians, Father Stephens wrote this catechism in the dialect of Sarswat Brahims. I have found no prof that there was any Konkani literature before this booklet. Therefore it can be maintained that this marked the beginning of Konkani literature.
Although it is obvious that before the Christianization, Hindus in Goa used to compose their books only in Marathi. Christian historians of Konkani language, let it spread that Konkani was a written language much before that. This brief was first set out in Chuna Rivar's treatise6 and the same is repeated thereafter. J. Gerson da Cunha says, 'But most unfortunately, it so happened that the former (Konkani), we have scarcely any remnant, although tradition current in the country, ascribes to certain Brahmin writings which were once extant, but which were once extant, but which were destroyed by the Portuguese missionaries in their mistaken zeal to propagate christianity'7. Even G. A. Grierson, a celebrated scholar who surveyed Indian languages, seemd to labour under the same misapprehension for he remarks, 'Konkani is said to have developed an indigenous literature before the Portuguese conquest. This conquest was aimed at the introduction of Christianly and the old manuscripts were burnt by invaders as containing pagan doctrines. The zeal of missionaries caused the temples to be burnt and at the same time destroyed the old literature, so that no traces are now left'8.
But historical facts do not allow such a misapprehension that before the Portuguese conquest books were written in Konkani. Dr. Pandurang S. Pissurlencar has written an essay in Portuguese, acquainting his readers with the books confiscated by the Jesuit missionaries in Goa and which were carried to Rome and Braga (Portugal)9. From the list of words given in the essay, it could be seen that even those works were mostly written in Marathi. Therefore, it seems quite clear that the books burnt as a result of the displeasure of Christian missionaries and Portuguese rulers were written in Marathi.

5 A. K. Priolkar, The Printing Press in India, Bombay, 1958, pp. 163-164.
6 Ibid., pp. 219-220.
7 J. Gerson da Cunha, The Konkani Language and Literature, Bombay, 1881, p. 25.
8G. A. Grierson, Linguiostic Survey of India, Vol. VII, Calcutta, 1905, p. 166.
9 P. S. S. Pissurlencar, Os Primeiros Livros Maratas Impressos em Goa, Bastora, Goa, 1956.

Regarding this catechism, or the first Konkani book, there is another misconception current that because father Stephens' Christian Puran?a, written in Marathi could not be understood by the Konkani speaking natives of Goa, he wrote Doutrina Crista in Konkani. Shri B. B. Borkar, the famous poet who write both in Marathi and Knakani while addressing the 5th Konkani Conference, as its president, has put forth this view.10
But this is also far from being true. Although Christian Puran?a was printed in 1616 and Doutrina Crista in 1622, in fact the later was current in manuscript form much before that, at least as early as 1601. Prof. A. K. Priolkar has recently published the English translation of a letter dated 6th December 1601, written by father Stephens, when he was Rector of Jesuit College at Margaon, to his superiors in Rome. In this letter, after referring to the special aspects of Margaon Mission he writes :
'The third, is a catechism which has been done in the language of the country which the children learn by heart. They do not find themselves at a loss, when a superior visits the church and takes a chapter of the doctrine with its questions and answers. I have seen children replying to a whole chapter, small boys and girls, who scarcely could speak. And one discovers in the confessions that the knowledge of it, however little, is beneficial'.11
From this evidence it could be clearly seen that in 1601 students were asked to learn by heart this catechism composed by Father Stephens.
Moreover, there is an internal evidence in Christian Puran?a itself to prove that the Doutrina was composed earlier than the Christian Puran?a. In the above mentioned background of the Christian Puran?a we find in the mouth of the curios listener the following verses :

Sassatty Dessi yeque Devamandhiri: Astamani aditevari:
Christauanche cumar ritu sary: Dautriny baissale.
Padry phuddâ ballaquê baissaty: sussarâ sadbî douttrina ucharity.
Gaghani paddasabda uthity: Pauitry Sumrutiche
Doutrinicha vellu sarala: Tâva yecu bramhannu patala:
Padry gurussi bolata zahala: Namascaru carunu . . .
Zi zi hy doutrini barauy niquy: carauissy patha hiye loquî:
Deauea parama vollghy: Paramesuarachy
Caissê teyathê barauê maguize: Anny caissê sacha mannize:
Barauea caranniyani varitize: cauanne pary

10 Bhou Balkrishna Bhagwant Shan?ai Borkar Hangele Ulop, Bombay, 1952, p. 9.

ÉäÆEòhÉÒ =iÉ®úÉÆ ¦É®úºÉÚxÉ ®ú‡Sɱ±Éå ¨É®úÉ`öÒ ‡LɺiÉ {ÉÖ®úÉhÉªÉ ºÉÉvÉÉ®úhÉ ±ÉÉèEòÉÆEò ¡òÉ´É ‡iÉiɱÉå ºÉÉè{Éå VÉɪÉxÉÉ +ÉxÉÒ {ÉÉiɳýxÉÉ ½éþ iÉÉEòÉ (To Fr. Stephens) ®úÉäEòbä÷SÉ ‡nùºÉÚxÉ +ɪɱÉå +ÉxÉÒ iÉÉhÉå EòÉåEòhÉÒiÉ nùÉèjÉÒxÉÉ ‡GòºiÉÉÆ ¤É®èú±Éå +lÉÉÇiÉ EòÉåEòhÉÒ ¦ÉÉºÉ º]õÒ¡òxºÉSªÉÉÆ EòɳýÉEò {ɇ®ú{ÉC´É VÉɱ±ÉÒ +ÉxÉÒ ±ÉÉäEòÉÆEò ¨É®úÉ`öÒ ºÉ¨ÉVÉÚEò Eò`öÒhÉ VÉÉ´ÉÆEò ±ÉɇMɱ±ÉÒ ½éþ =CiÉå ‡nùºÉiÉÉ*'

11 A.K.Priolkar, 'Two recently discovered letters of father Thomas Stephens'. Journal of the University of Bombay, Vol. XXV, Part II (September 1956), p. 121.

Ya tini vastu ziya hati: tea guru tumi sicauity:
Ya passoni prãnniya mucti: zoddaila sate
Panna he doutriny vanchoni ana: cahi yeca agalle zastra Puran?a:
Zari amâ carauite patthana: Tari honte châga
(Christian Puran?a I. I-126-134)

This long extract makes it abundantly clear that the neo-Christian converts were reciting Doutrina every Sunday. But they were not satisfied with the Sunday recitations of this Doutrina. Doutrina taught then what to pray for from God, how to know him and how to behave according to the tenets of Christianity. Still they needed something more in the nature of 'Zastra Puran?a turned out to be inaccessible, is to place the cart before the horse.
What kind of shastra Puran?a did the neo-Christian ask for? And in what language did they want it?
While taking up these questions for discussion, we come to the very aims and objects of the composition of the composition of the Christian Puran?a.
In the above mentioned passage the listener says, 'Men invent devious ways to entertain in themselves. Some gamble, some gossip, some loaf about in the bazaar. Most people waste their precious time in foolish occupations. The Puran?a in Portuguese language try to minimize this mischief. While narrating absorbing stories they inculcate in the reader love for the worship of God. The Puran?a which were read formerly for this purpose are banned. But why are you not preparing substitute books for our benefit?'12

12 Manuxe dehachy pracruty: Guru tumî tari zannaty:
Nauiya vastu chintity: Vello vellâ
Ghari athaua bhalateya thaya: changu vellu cramaueya:
Nana pretna guiuassuniyâ: Pahanty nite
Ye yetuquê naghade tari: Upae sodity anni yeque pari:
Tea passoni yequcca zûuh"ry: Quellaty qhellu
Melloniya daha atta: Yecameca carity chacatta:
Anni yeca zanty hatta: Hindaueya
He nivaraveya carannê :Phringuiyancâ dessî hati purannê:
Ti vachoniya tethila zanu: cramavity vellu
Zaisse tea tea dipavati: Dessaparinchi purannê: haty:
Taissî pustaquêcânamellaty: Amancha dessî
Ha motta abhipravo zi mhanne: Tumi tari varily maguilî purannê:
Tari pratipustaquê anâ carannê: cassî nacarity tumî
(Christian Puran?a I. i-135-143)

This means the Christian missionaries of Goa had prohibited the neo-converts from reading the earlier Puran?as. But they had no substitute-books. The listerner says further:

Ya passoniya zi ata: Gentiyanchea puranna catha:
Neuea Christauanchea chita: Atthauaty dagha
Zari Maratthiye bhassechi cahî: Xastra purannê hontî amâ thaî:
Tari locacha manorathu paî: Purna honta
(Christian Puran?a I. i-144-145)

As the neo-converts had no 'substitute-books' they become nostalgic about the old Marathi Puran?as. To make them forget these earlier devotional works written in Marathi like Jnyaneshwari, Bhagawar by Eknatha and Mahabharata by Vishnudasnama and others, neo-converts requested the priest to prepare substitute-books (Pratipustaquê), that is to say Marathi narratives full of devotional sentiments. Father Stephens met this demand of neo-Christians of Salsatte by composing the Christian Puran?a in Marathi.

Father Stephens' Marathi Christian Puran?a must have been very popular in Goa at that time. Even as far back as 1616, 1649 and 1654, there were three printed editions published in succession. In 1684 the order banning the use of native languages was enforced by the Portuguese rulers13. Obviously, therefore, the Marathi Literary traditions of Goan Christians was well nigh lost. On the other hand, there has been a continious literary tradition of Marathi works among the Hindus of Goa. They continue, to this day, to learn Marathi in schools and cherish Marathi Literature as their own.
There is also a misapprehension regarding the language of Christian Puran?a. It has been stated by some that the Puran?a is in Konkani. Although the Puran?a has some dialectal elements here and there, substantially it is written in Marathi. The historians of Konkani language have erroneously included this Puran?a in the list of Konkani language have erroneously included this Puran?a in the list of Konkani books. One finds such a mention in the learned treatise of Cunha River14. Gerson da Cunha, in his 'Konkani Language and Literature' divides Konkani into rich (Hieratic) Konkani and lay (Demotic) Konkani and places Christian Puran?a in the first category15. This misrepresentation of facts still persists. Dr G. M. Moroes has written an article on the life and work of Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bombay. In that article he has tried to prove that the Christian Puran?a is composed in Konkani and not in Marathi. He has quoted only such verses from Christian Puran?a as would suit his purpose and has intentionally omitted the verses hat followed the ones he has quoted and which would disprove his pet teory16. It is not necessary for me to

13 A. K. Priolkar, The Printing Pres in India, op. cit. p. 183.
14 Ibid., p. 183. 15 J. Gerson da Cunha, op. cit., p. 29.
16 G. M. Moroes, 'Dr. Jose Gerson da Cunha', Journal of Asiatic Society of Bombay, Vol. 39-40 (new series), 1947, p. 29.

enlarge upon this subject as Prof. A. K. Priolkar has ably refuted his contention17. This only shows how men of learning like Dr. Moraes carry on futile controversies purposefully although their pet theories are refuted many a time.

But the author of Christian Puran?a, however, had not the slightest doubt in his mind that he was composing his Puran?a in Marathi. He has mentioned Marathi as the language of his composition in the prologue18 as well as in the epilogue19. In his prose preface to the Puran?a he specially preface to the Puran?a he specifically states, 'All this is written in the Marathi Language'20.

And there is nothing unnatural if Father Stephens wrote in Marathi to let the Goan neo-Chistians of his time enjoy the bibilical stories. The Goan Marathi tradition, as mentioned above, is quite old. Copperplates and Stonepens found in Goa and written above, is quite old. Copperplates and Stoneplates found in Goa and written in about 1348, 1402, 1413 and 1436 are all in Marathi 21. Although Portuguese rulers and Christian missionaries played havoc in Goa for writing purposes remained Marathi. In the above-mentioned essay of Dr. Pissurlencar, we find Marathi works of Dnyanadeva, Vishnudasnama, Simpanama, Shivdas and others. Dr.Pissurlencar has also introduced to the Marathi by a Goan. Hindu poet Krishnadas Shyama in 1526, at Salsatte (Goa)22. This Marathi work is composed before the territory came under the Portuguese domination. Thus one can see that nobody had imposed Marathi tradition on the Goans. It is their own making. All the religious and social concourses in Goa, such as bhajans, kirtans, puranas and pravachanas, meetings and conferences, dramas and other forms of entertainments were all conducted in Marathi. Before the Portuguese rule the standard language of Goa was Marathi. When Father Stephens had to compose some rough and ready stuff like the catechism he used Konkani, but when he wanted to compose a work to measure up to the current literary standards, an epic poem, he wrote it in the standard language i.e., Marathi. Like Hindus in Goa Father Stephens though a foreigner, loved Marathi language intensely. He has observed in his prose preface that there is no better language in this country to convey devotional sentiments

17 A. K. Priolkar, 'Truth has to be told', JASB, Vol. 41-42/1966-67 (new series), 1968, pp. 254-267.
18 Christian -i-121: Paramaxastra zaguî praghataueya:
Bahuta zana phalla sidhy houaueya:
Bhassa bandoni Maratthiya: catha niropily.

19Christian Puran?a II. 59-120.
Deuagranthu Maratthiyessi: Abhangu quela.
20Fr. Thomas stephens, op. cit., 'Author's OPreface', p. XCIII:
'He sarus Maratthiya bhassena lihile ahe'.
21P. S. Pissurlencar, Inseriçoes Pre-Portuguesas de Goa, 1938.
22 P. S. Pissurlencar, 'Sarswat Santakavi Krishnadas Shamacha Shodha',
Shree Shantadurga Chattsshatabdi Mahotsava Granth, Bombay, 1966, pp. 64-78.

effiectively than Marathi23. His eulogy of Marathi language24 has the ring of a sincere sentiment and it is no conventional utterance of praise.
The works of Father Stephens both in Marathi and Konkani were written and printed in the Roman Script. The obvious reason why a foreign missionary like Stephen adopted the Roman script appears to be that he found it easier to learn the foreign language through a known alphabet than through an unknown one. The other possible reason might be the facility of printing. Prof. Priolkar's book 'The Printing Press in India' supplies information as to how the printing press to be sent to Abyssinia with Juan de Bustamante in 1556, happened to be shipped accidently to Goa25. The types in this press were Roman. There may yet be one more reason why a resort was made to the Roman script by the missionaries. The editor of 4th edition of Christian Puran?a, Joseph Saldhana says, 'Added to these reasons there was perhaps another in the aforementioned discouragement by the Portuguese polity, of Hindus' literature through the ungrounded fear of promoting idolatory and in the probable disfavour in which the sacred script of the Hindoos- the Devanagari alphabet-may have been held'.26
Even so we find sufficient evidence suggesting that Father Stephens all alonge felt that his works should be published in the Devanagari script.. In his letter to his superiors dated 5th December 1608, he observes 'Before I end this letter I wish to bring before your paternity's mind the fact that for many years I have strongly desired to see in this Province some books printed in the language and alphabet of the land, as these are in Malbar, with great benefit to Christianity. All this could not be achieved for two reasons. The matrix amounting to six hundred, while the characters are syllables and not alphabets as our twenty four in Europe. The other because this holy curiosity could not be put into execution, without the order and approval of the Provincial'.27
The wish expressed in this letter was not fulfilled. Father Stephens' works were published in the Roman script only. One thing, however, is as clear as daylight that even a foreign missionary like Fther Stephens had fully realised in those times that the then current script in Goa was the Devanagari script.
In short, if we understand the background and content of Father Stephens' threefold writings, their linguistic significance is quite evident: Right from the beginning of the Portuguese conquest (1510) and even a century thereafter, the standard language of Goa was Marathi ; spoken dialect, Konkani and the alphabet, Devanagari. However, it is beyond the scope of this paper, to examine the exact genetic relationship between Konkani and the literary Marathi of those days. What we have examined here is the cultural relationship between the two.
23 Christian Puran?a, op. cit., p. xciii: 'Hea dessinchea bhassa bhitura hy bhassa Parmesurachea vastu niropunssi yeque aissy dissali. . .' 24See footnote 1.
25 A. K. Priolkar, The Printing Press in India, p. cit., pp. 2-9.
26 Fr. Thomas Stephens, op. cit. 'Introduction' pp. XLVIII-XLIX.
27 A. K. Priolkar, 'Two recently discovered Letters etc'., op. p. 123.

SOME COMMENTS ON THE LANGUAGE SITUATION OF GOA
IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES'

WILLIAM MADTHA

(Central Institute of Indian Langauges, Mysore)

The chief aim of this article is quite modest. It is just to express some of the difficulties that I came across while I was reading the essay "The Language situation of Goa in 16th and 17th century'. Hence it is not a formal review but mosl\tly a plea for clarification.
Dr. S. G. Malshe, the author of the article in question, says in the initial paragraph that 'In recent years the languages of Goa has become a topic of hot discussion'. He continious, 'Let us see if we find any enlightenment on this thorny issue form the works of this foreign missionary. . .', tat is, Father Thomas Stephens S.J.
Hence the purpose of his article is to throw light on a problem. The problem is-the language of Goa in the 16th and 17th centuries. This problem is a thorny one according to the author. In order to answer the question of the language of Goa the author proposes to have recourse to the works of the well known Rev. Fr. Thomas Stephens S.J.: 'If three diffirent language forms1, it might help us to have a clear picture of the question of the language of Goa'.2
Though the author has paved the way toward the solution of the problem he prefers to divert and discuss a common argument which can be framed in the following way for the sake of brevity without sacrificing clarity:
Literature is prior to grammar. Konkani grammar appeared in the beginning of 17th century. Therefore there was lot of literature prior to it in that language. Another popular contention, says the writer, is that Konakani grammar came earlier than Marathi. Hence the former is necessarily a much older and richer language. What is the opinion of the author about these contentions? 'Apparently the conclusion seems unassailable but in a closer scrutiny it would be found to be hollow'.3
Instead of stating the reasons to indicate the 'hollowness' of apparently unassailable conclusions the essayist brings about a new idea that in olden times grammar was not so indispensable to learn one's mothertongue. Is the situation any way different in mdern times?

1 Probably by 'three different language forms the autor means three different languages.'
2 S. G. Malshe 'The Langauge situation of Goa in the 16th and 17th century'
3 Ibid., para 4.

After going at a tangent for a while in the sixth paragraph the author slowly starts to find out the reasons why Father wrote his grammar in Portuguese. Briefly, it is not for the natives of Goa but for missionaries. This is stated in a round about way.
Here we must note that the writer has completely forgotten to prove the hollowness of the above stated contentions. There was no need to raise them since he depends on Rev. Stephens' works for the solution of his problem. But once he says that the arguments are hollow he should prove it. To one of the contentions, however, he gives the reply after about four paragraphs4.
The next natural question, as we are oriented by the introductory paragraphs (1-2), is why did Fr. Stephens write Doutrina Christa in Konkani? Instead of directly answering this question to the point after a brief description of the book the essayist comments: 'This appears to be the first book ever composed in Konkani. . .this booklet marks the beginning of the Christian literary tradition of Konkani'5.
The word 'appears' is wisely used, for, we have no scientific ground to say that until Christian era started in Goa no work was ever written in Konkani. Konkani books of the period may not be available. Just because books are not available we cannot conclude that there were no books written.
The opening line of eleventh paragraph reads as follows: '. . .it is obvious that before the Christianisation Hindus in Goa used to compose their books only in Marathi. .. .' The next paragraph runs as '. . .historical facts do not allow such a misapprehension tat before the Portuguese conquest books were written in Konkani'. The proof given by the author is the article written by Dr. P. S. Pissurlencar. It acquaints us with the books confiscated by the Jesuit missionaries in Goa and which were carried to Rome. . . . 'Form the list of works. . . itcould be seen that even those works were mostly* written in Marathi'.6 Mark the word 'mostly'. Then the author concludes. 'Therefore, it seems quite clear that the books burnt as a result of the displeasure of Christian missionaries. . . were written in Marathi'.7
It is but apparent that the word 'mostly' does not exclude the possibility of books written in other languages viz., Konkani. Besides, the author has not given any historical fact which makes obvious that before the christianisation, Hindus in Goa composed their books only in Marathi and no books were written in Konkani.
According to the letter of Fr. Strpehns, quoted by the author, Doutrina Christa was written 'in the language of the country'.8 The author of the article admits that the book was written in Konkani.

4 Ibid., para 8.
5 Ibid., para 9.
* Italic throughout is mine.
6 Ibid., para 11.
7 Ibid. Ibid., para 14.

Therefore Konkani was describe by Fr. Stephens as 'the language of the country'-namely of Goa. Marathi was not described this way. This does not mean that Marathi was not existing. It simply means that it was not the mother tongue of Goa but probably a prestige based on Fr. Stephens works.
At this juncture we are at a loss to understand the following statement of Dr Malshe: 'if Fr. Stephens intended to write a book of grammar with a view to teach Konakni to the people of Goa he would. . . most probably, have had to write it in Matathi only'. When the people do not find it difficult to understand Christian doctrine in 'the language of the country i.e. Konkani then why say that the Father would have had to write the grammar in Marathi only?!
Why Father Stephens wrote Christian Puran?a in Marathi is a legitimate question that arises from the methodology proposed by the author for the solution of the problem. But the answer that he wanted to make the neo-Christians forget 'earlier devotional works written in Marathi . . .' does not seem to be so legitimate!

Neo-converts belonged to not only Marathi but chiefly to Konkani community. Hence Christian Purana could not have been written either as a cubstitute or as a brainwash to the Marathi converts.
Rev. Stephens, S.J. wrote the Puran?a in a language which could be followed either by a Marathi speaker or by a Konkani speaker. Hence the language of Christian Puran?a can be described as a happy blending of Konkani and Marathi.
Another remark of the author, namely, '. . . nobody had imposed Marathi tradition on the Goans. It is their own making',9 can not hold water as it is based here merely on the fact that Marathi works were available prior to Portuguese occupation.
After reading the article 'The Langauge Situation in Goa' critically I feel to conclude that 'the language of the country' namely of Goa was Konkani. Marathi was the prestihge language whose advent can not be proved from the works pf Fr.Stephens. Portuguese, however was the boon of foreign invasion. Here once again we may refer the letter of Fr. Stephens quoted by the author10.

9 Ibid., para 27.
10 Cf., f. n. 8.

MUNDARU AND SANTALI ELEMENTS IN THE DIALECTS OF
MANBHUM

REKHA SINHA

(Patna)

Munbhumi dialect is spoken by the people of Purulia district and its contiguous areas. It is considered to be one of the dialects of Bengali language and is classified under the Jharkhandi group of Bengali language as shown below.

Bengali


Jharkhandi Rahi Barendri Bangali Kamrupi
(East Bengal
dialect)
Midnapore Manbhumi
Dhalbhumi

Due to the long association with the tribal dialects like Santali, Mundari, Kharia, Paharia etc., Astro-asiatic elements are largely found in this dialect of Bengali language. Places near Purulia town, where the tribal people live in large numbers are mentioned below with their approximate locations.

Purulia
Ayodhya
Pahar
Bagmundi
Ichagarh Barahabhum.
Dalma

Moreover people of scheduled caste (Bauri, Rajoar, Dhobi, Ghasi, Pasi etc.) who have their origin from Mundari stock but have Bengali as their mother tongue, are found all over the district*. Because of this

*According to the statistical account of Manbhum in 1872, by W. W. Hunter. Of the total population 23.3 per cent were aborigines, 22.1 per cent semi Hinduised aborigines and 49.7 per cent were Bengali speaking and 13.90 per cent were Santali-Mundari, Kora etc., tribal language speaking of the total population. In the Census report of '51, we find 47.8 per cent were Hindus and 17.2 schedule tribe origin. Thus we find this dialect is in contact with the tribal languages froma very long time.

language contact we find, some distinctive Santali and Mundari influence in Manbhumi dialect. In this connection, it will be worth looking into the following points as well.
1. Mundari and Santali words have come generally through lower class of p
eople (e.g. Kharia, Bauri, Rajoar etc.) whose mother tongue is Bengali and occasionally they have to come in contact with tribal people.
2. Form the Census report of 1931, 1951 and 1961, it is learnt that people whose mother tongue is Santali have taken to Bengali as their subsidiary language. This bilingualism has surely helped the infiltration of Santali words, idioms and phrases in the Manbhum dialect.
3. Most of the borrowed words or expressions have converged into Bengali intonation and often semantically changed ; sometimes, we find intermixture of two words in different context, and as a result a new word had formed.
4. Grammar of Manbhumi dialect is more or less influenced due to contact with the aforesaid tribal languages. Considering all these factors, one may find the following results.
(a) Copious use of denominative verb in Man. dia. Might be the outcome of Mun. influence. In Mundari dialect, a single word may be in various parts of speech e.g.

radboda (of hail, dry fruit or other dry thing failing all
noun adj. adv. about in rapid succession; clattering sound)
In Man. dialect we also have this type of use;

gandha (smell) jad (cold)
noun adj. adv. noun adj. verb. adv.
verb. (JadachE)
(Jadache) =(feeling cold)
=Smelling.

(b) Jingle-words are in extensive use in Manbhumi dia. Just like Mundari and santali dialects. Some of these words are:

Irsur (sense); tatatahi (fresh, hot); klkatE (gasping) tsi: ts; a
tur (Scattering); etc.

(c) Many usages in Man. dia. owe their origin, to Mun. and Sant. dialects: e.g., Mun. tãd?: means 'up-lands'.
In Man, dia this word is used in more than one sense.

tã : d

1. barren uplands 2. uncultured, 3. a fellow who procures
brusque fellow clients for his pleader.
rE:ngE=Mun. Hunger.

In Man. The meaning is changed and also it is some what phonetically changed: rE:ng h a=good-for-nothing.

The vocabulary of Man. dia is replete with the borrowed words from Mundari and Santali languages. Most of these loan words are concerning cultivation, animals, words used as charms for evil spirit, plant and every day life of the common folk. Until recently, rather after the merger of Purulia district with Bengal these words are speedily becoming out-of-date. The main cause is the mass arrival of the refugees from East Pakistan who speak East Bengal dialect. It is interesting to note they are influencing the dialect not of the lower class of people but to the middle class of people. And at present partly because of speard of literacy and radio broadcasting in standard dialect and partly because of the contact with the dialect of East Bengal, this dialect is rapidly changing.
Some of the most commonly used words in Man. dia which owe their origin from Sant. and Mun. dialects are given below:

Man. a: ka: 1 y a greedy; Sant. a:klaha
(Sant.a:k l a h a)
Man. bathan 'cowshed'. Sant. id
Man. b d?a 'he goat' Sant. id
Man. bc:da 'The ring of plaited straw' Sant. id
Man. bintrif 'omission' Sant. bintric 'to be grieved'
Man. Cept Sant. Chepra, chekpa low, 'small staturated girl, deficient
in height'
Man. b d? a d?E Mun. dad 'to flee, to impose fine'
to rule on hard grorend
Man. dang mun. 'big thick stick'
Man. ga : da : 1 'heap, dump' Mun. gada, guder 'a swarm'
Man. hud?ka (Sant.) a wooden bar for the door
Man. fbr (Sant. 'great, rich') 'strong'
Khã: ci n (Mun.) a pretty large basket be smeared with cowdung.
Man. lisurE Sant. lisur='state of destitution' In Man. The word
is used to described the state of utter helplessness.
Satur-batur Mun. refuse from a feast, dirty, incomplete
Man. 'auspicious uttering to scare away the evil.'
Abbreviasion
Man. dia =Manbhumi dialect.
Man.
Mun. =Mundari dialect.
Sant. =Santali dialect.