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THIS STUDY IS based on the original (literary and creative) works in Hindi written by Telugu speakers like Balasouri Reddy, Dakshinamurthy, Suryanarayanamurthy, Ramamurthy 'Renu', Sundara Reddy and translations of Telugu works into Hindi made by Radhakrishnamurthy, Balasouri Reddy, Anjaneya Sarma, Venkateshwararao. According to the information available in the January-February, 1971 issue of Prakar magazine, Telugu people have contributed the maximum to Hindi through their creative writings and translations when compared to other Dravidian language speakers. About 35 Telugu speakers have written approximately 50 to 60 original works in Hindi and a large number of translations from Telugu to Hindi have also been made. As all such books were not available for our study, it is based on only those works which were available to us. A considerable sample of spoken Hindi of some Telugu speakers (including my own) has also been collected and the tentative findings relating to the phonemic patterns of TH are given under the title 'Phonemic Patterns'.

Definition of Bilingualism:

Bilingualism has been defined as 'the demonstrated ability to engage in the prolonged discussions concerning activities of daily life in more than one language or its standardized variety' (Fishman 1966 : pp 122). According to this definition a considerable number of people in India may be called bilinguals. Mackey defines Bilingualism as follows: 'as long as there are different monolingual communities, there is a likelihood of contact between them; this contact results in Bilingualism', (Mackey 1968, p. 555 in Readings in the Sociology of Language, ed. Joshua A. Fishman). Familiarity with more than one language, i.e., language contact results in the transfer of elements from one language to another which is called 'interference phenomena' or 'phenomena of transfer' (Weinreich 1967: Language in Contact, p. 1). Contact between two or more languages and cultures results in the socio-cultural situation wherein the same individual learns elements from the linguistic system other than his native one with which he comes into contact. Such a situation is called 'language contact' and the learning process involved is 'bilingualization'. The individuals involved are bilinguals.

Mackey considers the study of the phenomenon of bilingualism as entirely relative (Mackey 1956, p. 8 FCLA 2, 'Towards a Redefinition of Bilingualism). He further suggests that in such a study, the inclusion of only two languages is not sufficient and the total number of languages spoken by the individuals involved in the study should be considered as the alternate use of two or more languages by the same individual (Mackey 1968, p. 555 in Readings in the Sociology of Language, ed. Joshua A. Fishman).

The 'phenomena of transfer' could be conveniently studied under two main heads-
(i) Cultural and Social Patterns and
(ii) Language Structure.

The latter covers all the levels - phonic, grammatical, lexical and semantic - of a language. The study of style ranges is also included under this head.

Aim of the Study:

The aim of this study is to describe the ways in which Telugu Hindi (hereafter referred to as TH) is 'deviant' from standard Hindi (hereafter referred to as SH) as used by the native Hindi speakers and to state the specific areas where the interference occurs owing to either mother-tongue influence or the influence of the regional culture of Telugu speakers.

According to 1961 Census, the total population of Andhra Pradesh is 20, 932, 257 out of which the number of bilinguals is 6, 244, 990. The number of Hindi speaking bilinguals among them is 328, 077, which is approximately 5.29% of total bilinguals and approximately 1.09% of the total population in the State. However, this is only those who have reported bilingualism. There is a much larger population in Andhra Pradesh knowing and using Hindi fairly well, which has not been reported under bilingualism in Hindi in the Census.

Scope of the Present Study:

Being a relative concept the question of 'degrees' of bilingualism is involved in such a study. Thus the question of the degree of competence in the languages concerned and the extent to which the bilinguals make use of the concerned languages becomes important. Secondly, it involves the question of 'function', i.e., for what purposes are the languages used. What roles do these languages play in the totality of a person's language behaviour. Thirdly, the question of 'alternation' is involved, i.e., to what extent do the bilinguals alternate between the languages in contact. How do they switch over from one language to the other, and under what conditions? Finally, the question of 'interference' is involved, i.e., to what extent do they fuse them together. Thus bilingualism is a behavioural pattern of mutually modifying linguistic practices varying in degree, function, alternation and interference. Bilingualism may be described in terms of the above four inherent characteristics. The present study is thus based on the Hindi writings of the Telugu speakers. It will be necessary to administer a questionnaire to TH bilinguals and study the spoken form of their Hindi by carrying on field work to study the first three aspects:

Cline of Bilingualism

TH bilinguals, like all bilinguals, can be classified into three types based on their proficiency in Hindi, as follows:
(i) non-proficient
(ii) semi-proficient and
(iii) proficient

These three types correspond to the 'measuring points' of Kachru in the 'cline of bilingualism' ( =scale) adopted by him in his study on 'Indianness in Indian English' (Kachru 1965, Word p. 213)

(i) Non-proficient TH Bilinguals:

Many Telugu speakers possess some competence in Hindi but their ability to use Hindi for proper communication is insufficient. Such people may be categorized under this heading. The users of 'jatka:wa:la: Hindi', viz., tongawalas, hawkers, (vegetable and meat Venders), tailors and people employed in lower trades and professions, etc., come under this category. The Hindi expressions used by them are unacceptable to SH speakers and may or may not be intelligible. Thus, in the case of numerals above twenty, the TH bilinguals of this category use the terms, ¤ÉÒºÉ {É®ú BEò = 21,¤ÉÒºÉ {É®ú nùÉä = 22 and so on. They have expressions like vÉ®ú VÉÉEäò +ÉiÉÚÄ ºÉÉ¤É (I'll go home and come [return] Sir), iÉÖ¨É +ÉMÉä +ÉMÉä VÉÉxÉÉ ºÉÉ¤É ( = you go ahead [of us] Sir) etc., instead of vÉ®ú VÉÉEò®ú ±ÉÉè]ÚÄõMÉÉ and +É{É +ÉMÉä VÉÉ, respectively.

(ii) Semi-proficient TH Bilinguals:

The TH bilinguals who may be categorised under this heading possess some knowledge of written and or spoken - both media of Hindi but their proficiency in Hindi is not up to the mark. Clerks in post-offices, railway stations, etc., fall under this category. For e.g., +É{É CªÉÉ ¨ÉÉÄMÉiÉÉ ½èþ instead of +É{É CªÉÉ ¨ÉÉMÉÄiÉä ½éþ Such expressions are intelligible but not acceptable to SH speakers.

(iii) Proficient TH bilinguals:

All those TH bilinguals whose Hindi is not only intelligible but also acceptable to the other TH bilinguals on one hand and the SH speakers on the other may be classified under this group. However, there may still be certain expressions which are grammatically 'deviant' from SH and culturally and / or socially 'new' to SH speakers. In other words, the Hindi used by proficient TH bilinguals is almost native-like. Hindi teachers in Andhra Pradesh and those Telugu speakers who have had higher education in Hindi (particularly in the Hindi area) come under this category.

Features of TH as different from SH:

The features of TH different from those of SH may be studied in terms of 'Deviations'. Such deviations could be studied and understood by inter-relating the linguistic factors, cultural patterns and social settings of Andhra Pradesh with those of the Hindi speaking area. The linguistic factors on the basis of which the Teluguness of the TH is determined are the same as those in any other language contact situation. One has to discover the process of 'transfer' in such a study.

Transfer of Context:

The cultural patterns and social settings which are 'new' or 'deviant' from those belonging to SH area are considered under this heading. These items could be discussed under the following categories:
(i) completely new situations and
(ii) partly similar but deviant situations

(i) Completely new situations:

Those cultural items and social settings which are typically Andhra and which are totally 'new' to SH speakers come under this category. In such cases even Telugu lexical forms may be transferred to TH.

For example:
1. "ÉÉ¨É EòÉä ´É®ú-´ÉvÉÚ xÉä {ÉÖ¹{É-MÉÖSUôÉå EòÒ GòÒb÷É EòÒ
-- ¦ÉMxɺÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 5

'The bride and the groom played with bunches of flowers in the evening'

Playing with a bunch of flowers is a typical custom observed at the time of marriages in Hindu families in Andhra Pradesh. Unless the context is clearly explained, SH speakers would wonder what this particular item is and what its significance is.

2. "ÉÉnùÒ´ÉɱÉÉå Eäò ¨ÉEòÉxÉ ¨Éå =ºÉ ‡nùxÉ 'ºÉnùºªÉ¨É' lÉÉ ªÉ½þ EèòºÉÉ ºÉƤÉÆvÉ ½èþ
-- iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ EòÒ |ɇiɇxɇvÉ Eò½þɇxɪÉÉÄ, {ÉÞ. 26

'There was sadasyam in the house of the marriage party. Sadasyam is a typical custom observed in marriages in Andhra Pradesh which is typical of Andhras (Hindus) and is not understandable to SH speakers in the absence of a detailed explanation about Sadasyam.

3. {ÉixÉÒ ¤Éɽþ®ú ¤Éè`äöMÉÒ iÉÉä CªÉÉ Eò®úÉäMÉä
- ¨Éä®äú ¤ÉÉ®äú ¨Éå Eò½þÉxÉÒ xÉ ‡±ÉJÉÉäMÉä ?
-- iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ EòÒ |ɇiɇxɇvÉ Eò½þɇxɪÉÉÄ, {ÉÞ. 79

'If your wife is 'out of doors' (monthly period for ladies), I hope that you wouldn't write a story about me.

The expression 'ba:h"r b?thna' does not convey the same sense to SH speakers as it does for Telugu speakers.

4. ´É®ú-´ÉvÉÚ Eäò ½þÉlÉ VÉ±É Eò±É"É {É®ú ®úJÉ´ÉÉB +Éè®ú =xɺÉä |ɇiÉYÉÉ Eò®ú´ÉÉ<Ç*
-- ¦ÉMxÉ ºÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 118
'The hands of the bride and the groom were put on a water container and the vow was performed'.

This 'feature' is typically Andhra and is observed only at the time of marriages. 'Putting the hands in the water container before the promise was made' is a totally new characteristic for SH speakers.

(ii) Partly similar but 'deviant' situations:

In instances where partial similarity exists (i.e., items which are similar to those of SH but not exactly the same), the forms get blended quite often. Such forms are either not found in SH or have different connotations in TH. For example,

(i) +xɺÉÚªÉÉ iÉè±É ºxÉÉxÉ Eò®ú, xÉB ´ÉºjÉÉå Eäò ºÉÉlÉ +ɦÉÚ¹ÉhÉ {ɽþxÉEò®ú <ºÉ iÉ®ú½þ PÉ®ú ¨Éå ‡´ÉSÉ®úhÉ Eò®ú ®ú½þÒ lÉÒ ¨ÉÉxÉÉå ºÉÉIÉÉiÉ ±ÉI¨ÉÒ ½þÉä*
-- ¤É臮úº]õ®ú, {ÉÞ. 23

'After taking oil bath, Anasuya put on new clothes, and ornaments etc. and was moving in the house like Goddess Lakshmi'.

The term 'iÉè±É ºxÉÉxÉ' means 'oil bath' (head bath) to SH speakers but in Telugu areas, has a special significance. This is done only at the time of religious functions or functions of special significance such as marriages etc. This significance is not understood by SH speakers.

(ii) |ɇiɦÉÉäVÉ Eäò +xÉxiÉ®ú xÉɇ®úªÉ±É +Éè®ú {ÉÉxÉ +ÉnùÒ näùxÉÉ*
-- ¦ÉMxɺÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 118

'To give coconuts and betel leaves after dinner'

Giving coconuts and betel leaves after dinner may be understood by SH speakers that this is a common feature in Andhra but this is a custom observed only at the time of marriages.

Language structure:

Phonemic Patterns:

1. u replaces i of SH which are reflexes of vocalic r. This phenomena is true only in the case of Sanskrit borrowings; for example:
SH Meaning TH
/risi/ @ñ‡¹É 'sage' /rus?i/
/ritu/ @ñiÉÖ 'season' /r?utu/
/krisi/ EÞò‡¹É 'agriculture/labour /kr?usi/
/vr?itti/ ´ÉÞ‡kÉ 'profession' /vr?utti/
tr?ipti/ iÉÞÎ{iÉ 'satisfaction' /tr?upti/

2. The lax mid front vowel (nasalised and non-nasalised) in SH changes to a diphthong 'ai' in TH in the initial and final positions. This is an instance of 'eye dialect' because in Hindi the written form is Bä (ai) whereas in pronunciation it is ' B ' (?)

SH Meaning TH

Initial position
/?n"k/ BäxÉEò 'mirror' /ainak/
/?ky/ BCªÉ 'unity' /aiky/

Final position
/h?/ ½èþ 'is' /hai/
/h??/ ½éþ 'are' /hai?/
/m??/ ¨Éé 'I' /mai?/

3. The low back unrounded vowel in the initial and medial positions in SH changes to /au/ in TH. This, also, is an instance of 'eye dialect'. In Hindi, its written form is ' +Éè ' (au) and in pronunciation it is ' +Éä '()

SH Meaning TH

/:r"t/ +Éè®úiÉ 'woman' /aurat/
/:r/ +Éè®ú 'and' /aur/
/p:dha/ {ÉÉèvÉÉ 'plant' /paudha/
/k:n/ EòÉèxÉ 'who' /kaun/

4. 'y' occurring between 'g' and a vowel or when preceded by 'g' only in SH correspond to 'n' in TH. This is the case when this -gy- correspond to Sanskrit -jn- in the case of Sanskrit borrowings. For example,

SH Meaning TH
/vigya:n/ ‡´ÉYÉÉxÉ 'science' /vignæ:n/
/v?gya:nik/ ´ÉèYÉɇxÉEò 'scientific' /vygnænik/
/gya:p"n/ YÉÉ{ÉxÉ 'notification' /gnæ:p"n/
/gy"pti/ YÉÎ{iÉ 'remembrance' /gn"pti/
/krit"gy/ EÞòiÉYÉ 'grateful' /krit"gn/

5. The mid back rounded vowel when nasalised in SH changes to 'om' in TH in the final position.

Oblique Nouns

SH Meaning TH
/a:dmio?:/ +Énù‡¨ÉªÉÉå 'men' /a:dmio:m/
/n"ro?:/ xÉ®úÉå 'men' /n"ro:m/
/cirio?:/ ‡Sɇb÷ªÉÉå 'birds' /ciriom/
/l"rkio?:/ ±Éc÷‡EòªÉÉå 'girls' /l"rkio:m/
/ja:nv"ro?:/ VÉÉxÉ´É®úÉå 'animals' /ja:nv"ro:m/

6. Aspiration in SH is generally lost in TH in the initial, medial or final positions. But proficient TH bilinguals are conscious of 'aspiration' and maintain it without loss.

SH Meaning TH

/dh"nva:n/ vÉxÉ´ÉÉxÉ 'rich man' /d"nva:n/
/bha:gy/ ¦ÉÉMªÉ 'fortune' /ba:gy/
/bha:r/ ¦ÉÉ®ú 'responsibility /ba:r/
(or) weight'
/s:bha:gy/ ºÉÉè¦ÉÉMªÉ 'good fortune' /sauba:gy/
/pr"b"ndh/ |ɤÉÆvÉ 'arrangement' /pr"b"nd/
/vidya:pi:t?h/ ‡´ÉtÉ{ÉÒ`ö 'educational /vidya:pi:t?
Institute'
/upa:dhi/ ={ÉɇvÉ 'title' /upa:di/

7. Examples of hypercorrections i.e., use of aspiration where 'h' does not exist in SH are also found in TH. For example;

SH Meaning TH
/j"nta:/ VÉxÉiÉÉ 'people/public' /j"n"tha/

8. Consonant clusters /ty/ and /dy/ in SH change to /cc/ and /jj/ respectively in TH.

SH Meaning TH
/s"tye:ndr/ ºÉiªÉäxpù 'proper name' /s"cce:ndr/
/"ty:v"sy"k/ +iªÉ´É"ªÉEò 'very essential' /"cca:v"sy"k/
/nity/ ‡xÉiªÉ 'daily' /nicc/
/g"dy/ MÉt 'prose' /g"jj/
/p"dy/ {Ét 'poetry' /p"jj/

Morphology

Tense:

In a number of instances it is observed that proficient TH bilinguals do not observe "tense concord". Thus the temporal adverbs and the tense of the verb forms do not match in TH. For example;

1. +ÉVÉ ¤É½ÖþiÉ ¾þ¹]õ-{ÉÖ¹]õ, >ÄðSÉä Eònù EòÒ ªÉÖ´ÉiÉÒ ºÉÒ ±ÉäMÉ ®ú½þÒ lÉÒ*
-- ¦ÉMxɺÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 30

Totally she was looking like a strong and tall lady.

2. +¤É ´É½þ {ÉÉÄSÉ ¤É®úºÉ EòÉ lÉÉ*
-- iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ EòÒ |ɇiɇxɇvÉ Eò½þɇxɪÉÉÄ, {ÉÞ. 3

'Now he was of five years'.

The correct forms of the above are.

1. +ÉVÉ ¤É½ÖþiÉ ½Öþ¹]õ-{ÉÖ¹]õ, >ÄðSÉä Eònù EòÒ ªÉÖ´ÉiÉÒ ºÉÒ ±ÉMÉ ®ú½þÒ ½èþ*
2. +¤É ´É½þ {ÉÉÄSÉ ¤É®úºÉÉ EòÉ ½èþ*

The reason for this type of usage in TH is that in Telugu the same form of the verb is used in the case of present perfect tenses. (only a few people differentiate, mostly it is not observed).

For example:

Hindi Forms with Telugu equivalents:

Hindi Telugu
1. a) ¨ÉéxÉä JÉÉxÉÉ JÉɪÉÉ ½èþ xÉäxÉÖ +zɨÉÖ ‡iÉzÉÉxÉÖ*
= I ate food.

b) ¨ÉéxÉä JÉÉxÉÉ JÉɪÉÉ lÉÉ xÉäxÉÖ +zɨÉÖ ‡iÉzÉÉxÉÖ*
= I had eaten food.

2. a) ºÉÒiÉÉ xÉä {ÉÖºiÉEò {Égø ±ÉÒ ½èþ ºÉÒiÉ {ÉÖºiÉEò Sɇnù˴ɇnù*
= Sita has finished reading the book.

b) ºÉÒiÉÉ xÉä {ÉÖºiÉEò {Égø ±ÉÒ lÉÒ ºÉÒiÉ {ÉÖºiÉEò¨É Sɇnù˴ɇnù*
= Sita has finished reading the book.

3. a) ®úÉ¨É xÉä nÚùvÉ {ÉÒ ‡±ÉªÉÉ ½èþ ®úɨÉÖbÖ÷ {ÉɱÉÖ iÉÉMÉÉbÖ÷
= Ram drank milk.
b) ®úÉ¨É xÉä nÚùvÉ {ÉÒ ‡±ÉªÉÉ lÉÉ ®úɨÉÖbÖ÷ {ÉɱÉÖ iÉÉMÉÉbÖ÷*
= Ram had drunk milk.

This feature of Telugu results in TH bilinguals usage of constructions involving two different tenses.

Number:

In the creative and literary Hindi writings of proficient TH bilinguals, a number of examples are found in which 'number concord' is not maintained.

For example:

1. <xÉ ªÉÖMÉ±É Eò‡´É xÉä +Éxpùnäù"É ¦É®ú ¨Éå ......... +‡¦É¯û‡SÉ {ÉènùÉ EòÒ
-- nù‡IÉhÉ EòÒ ¦ÉɹÉÉBÄ +Éè®ú =xÉEòÉ ºÉɇ½þiªÉ, {ÉÞ. 133

The correct form should be:
<xÉ ªÉÖMÉ±É Eò‡´ÉªÉÉå xÉä +Éxpùnäù"É ¦É®ú ¨Éå ......... +‡¦É°ü‡SÉ {ÉènùÉ EòÒ

2. {ÉjÉ-{ɇjÉEòÉBÄ +xÉÖ´ÉÉnù EòÉ +SUôÉ ¨ÉÉvªÉ¨É ½éþ

The correct form of the above should be:
{ÉjÉ-{ɇjÉEòÉBÄ +xÉÖ´ÉÉnù Eäò +SUäô ¨ÉÉvªÉ¨É ½éþ

Gender:

The main difference between the Telugu and Hindi gender systems is that Telugu has a natural gender whereas Hindi has a grammatical gender. We find three genders in Telugu, viz., masculine, feminine and neuter. In Hindi there are only two genders - masculine and feminine. The items belonging to neuter gender in Telugu fall either under masculine or feminine in TH. The verb forms used with neuter gender in Telugu are the same as those used in the case of feminine gender. Therefore, the TH bilinguals assign a wrong gender to certain items that do not show a natural gender in Hindi. Also there are instances where TH bilinguals assign wrong genders to items showing natural gender in Hindi too.

For example,

Masculine Meaning Feminine Meaning
"ÉÆEòÉ 'doubt/objection' ‡Eò®úɪÉÉ 'rent'
¤ÉEò´ÉÉºÉ 'nonsense' ¯û¨ÉÉ±É 'Kerchief'
EòÉäªÉ±É 'a bird' ]äõ‡±É‡´ÉVÉxÉ 'TV'
+JɤÉÉ®ú 'newspaper'
]èõCºÉ 'Tax'

Thus TH bilinguals do not use many such items in their correct gender. It is observed that most of the items belonging to neuter gender in Telugu are used as feminine by TH bilinguals. This phenomena shows the influence of mother tongue (Telugu, in the present case) on Hindi, due to the fact that the items belonging to neuter gender go with the same verb forms in Telugu as the ones in feminine.

Word order:

It may be mentioned here that change in word order is also a prominent feature of TH which will be clear from the following examples.

1. iÉÖ¨É ±ÉÉiÉä VÉÉä ½þÉä iÉ®ú½þ-iÉ®ú½þ EòÒ {ɇjÉEòÉBÄ
-- +YÉÉiÉ EòlÉÉEòÉ®ú, {ÉÞ. 19

2. ´É½þ ªÉÖ´ÉiÉÒ SÉgøÒ ®äú±É {É®ú iÉÉäbä÷{Éα±ÉMÉÚbä÷¨É º]äõ"ÉxÉ ºÉä
-- ¤ÉƺÉÒ´ÉɱÉÉ, {ÉÞ. 19

3. MÉÆb÷ªªÉÉ xÉä ºÉÉÄºÉ ‡±ÉB ‡¤ÉxÉÉ Eò½þ b÷ɱÉÉ +É´Éä"É Eäò ºÉÉlÉ nù¡òÉnùÉ®ú EòÒ +Éä®ú PÉÚ¨ÉEò®ú näùJÉiÉä ½ÖþB
-- ªÉä ½þiªÉÉ®äú, {ÉÞ. 76

The correct forms of the above examples should be
1. iÉÖ¨É VÉÉä iÉ®ú½þ-iÉ®ú½þ EòÒ {ɇjÉEòÉBÄ ±ÉÉiÉä ½þÉä*
2. ´É½þ ªÉÖ´ÉiÉÒ iÉÉbä÷{Éα±ÉMÉÚbä÷¨É º]äõ"ÉxÉ ºÉä ®äú±É {É®ú SÉgøÒ*
3. nù¡òÉnùÉ®ú EòÒ +Éä®ú näùJÉiÉä ½ÖþB MÉÆb÷ªªÉÉ xÉä ºÉÉÄºÉ ±ÉÒB ‡¤ÉxÉÉ +É´Éä"É Eäò ºÉÉlÉ Eò½þ b÷ɱÉÉ*

It may be worthy to mention that in spoken Telugu, we find change in word order. Such change may be to emphasize an idea or it may be a casual expression or it may be a stylistic feature.

For example:
1. +Énù¨ÉÒ EòÉ VÉèºÉÉ ½èþ =ºÉEòÉ EÆò`ö º´É®ú
-- ºÉ¦ªÉiÉÉ, {ÉÞ. 59
'her voice is like that of a man'

¨ÉMÉ´Éɇb÷‡nù±ÉÉ =ÆnùÒ nùɇxÉ MÉÉåiÉÖ

2. +xÉäEòÉå ½éþ {ÉÚUôxÉä EòÉä
-- ªÉä ½þiªÉÉ®äú, {ÉÞ. 78
'A number of people are there to enquire' (like this)

SÉɱɨÉƇnù =zÉÉ°ü +‡b÷MÉånÖùEÖò (Telugu)

3. EòÉ¡òÒ PɤɮúÉ MÉB ‡xÉMɨɤÉɤÉÚ
'Nigambabu was afraid too much'.

SÉɱÉÉ EÆòMÉÉ°ü {Éd÷É°ü ‡xÉMɨɤÉɤÉÖ (Telugu)

Although this feature of change in word order is true in the case of spoken Hindi, it is carried over to the written variety in Hindi writings by TH bilinguals. In addition, the change is observed to such an extent that in certain cases, the expressions are unacceptable even in spoken Hindi.

Honorific Vs. Casual Expressions:

Non-proficient and Semi-proficient TH bilinguals in general use casual verb forms along with honorifics. The reason for this is that in Dravidian languages, the verb form remains the same both in the case of honorific and casual noun forms. This feature is carried over to Hindi by TH bilinguals while speaking and/or writing in Hindi.

For example,
Casual Honorific
Hindi iÉÖ¨É VÉÉ+Éä +É{É VÉÉ<B
Telugu ¨ÉÒ¯û ´Éä±±ÉÆb÷Ò iɨɰü ´Éä±±ÉƇb÷
Kannada xÉÒ´ÉÖ ½þÉä‡MÉ iÉÉ´ÉÖ ½þÉä‡MÉ
Tamil xÉÓMɳý {ÉÉåMÉÉ iÉÉÆMɳý {ÉÉåMɳý
Malayalam ‡xÉzÉÉ±É {ÉÉäEòhÉ¨É iÉÉÆMÉ±É {ÉÉäEòhɨÉ

Postpositions:

It is observed that the TH bilinguals do not use proper postpositions at all or use improper postpositions in certain instances.

For example,
1. <ºÉ‡±ÉB ‡´É´Éɽþ EòÒ ‡iɇlÉ +Éè®ú {ÉÖ®úÉ䇽þiÉ ¤ÉÖ±ÉÉEò®ú ¨ÉÖ½ÚþiÉÇ EòÉ ‡xÉ"SÉªÉ Eò®úEäò PÉ®ú ±ÉÉè]äõ
-- ¤É臮úº]õ®ú, {ÉÞ. 16

The correct form of the above should be:
<ºÉ‡±ÉB {ÉÖ®úÉ䇽þiÉ EòÉä ¤ÉÖ±ÉÉEò®ú ‡´É´Éɽþ EòÒ ‡iɇlÉ +Éè®ú ¨ÉÖ½ÚþiÉÇ EòÉ ‡xÉ"SÉªÉ Eò®úEäò PÉ®ú ±ÉÉè]äõ*

In addition to the above, it is very common to find a number of such TH bilinguals using an incorrect usage of the postposition 'ne'.

For example:

¨ÉéxÉä VÉÉxÉÉ ½èþ ( = 'I have to go') and
+É{ÉxÉä {ÉÒxÉÉ ½èþ ( = 'you [hon] have to drink') etc.,

TH Collocations:

Certain Teluguism is found (in the Hindi writings speech of TH bilinguals) which may be described as collocationally deviant from SH and described as TH collocations.

(i) They may be grammatically deviant from SH or
(ii) They may involve loan shifts from Telugu or
(iii) They may be contextually deviant and formally non-deviant.

(i) The members of a collocation may be 'usual' in L1 but its contextual use is typical Andhra. For example,
´ªÉÉ{ÉÉ®ú näùJÉxÉÉ -- ¦ÉMxÉ ºÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 94

(ii) The lexical items of a collocation may be collocated in non-native collocations. For example,

1. +zÉ-{ÉÉxÉ -- ¦ÉMxÉ ºÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 130
2. ‡"ÉIÉhÉ-MÉÖ°ü -- ´Éä¨ÉxÉÉ, {ÉÞ. 29
3. ºÉÚ‡iÉEòÉ-vÉÉªÉ -- ´Éä¨ÉxÉÉ, {ÉÞ. 78
4. VÉÉEò®ú ¨ÉÉÆMÉEò®ú JÉÉxÉÉ -- ˽þ‡nù +Éè®ú iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ Eò½þÉ´ÉiÉÉå EòÉ iÉÖ±ÉxÉÉi¨ÉEò +vªÉªÉxÉ, {ÉÞ. 185

(iii) The contextual use of a collocation may present no difficulty to L1 users but only the collocability of an item with 'node' of collocation may be unusual.

For example,

1. ¨ÉÒ±É {ÉilÉ®ú -- ¦ÉMxɺÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 124

The collocations like ´ªÉÉ{ÉÉ®ú näùJÉxÉÉ are not structurally deviant from SH because N+V collocation is very productive in Hindi as well as in Telugu (e.g., ‡EòiÉÉ¤É {ÉgøxÉÉ, {ÉiÉÆMÉ =b÷ÉxÉÉ etc.). The important point of deviation is that in TH, näùJÉxÉÉ is used in a particular sense in which it is not in SH. In the case of such collocations, assigning extra semantic features would become necessary. For example, ´ªÉÉ{ÉÉ®ú näùJÉxÉÉ in the sense of 'maintaining' or 'taking proper care of' the business creates semantic problems which are to be faced in the description of such Teluguisms. Collocations like
+zÉ-{ÉÉxÉ ¦ÉɹÉhÉ-´ÉSÉxÉ
'feast' 'lecture' etc.
are acceptable only after the defining context is understood.

Loan Translation:

Expressions which are typical in Telugu are found to be translated from Telugu to Hindi by TH bilinguals while writing/speaking in Hindi. They are instances of 'loan translations'.

For example,

Addresses:

1. ‡SÉ®ÆúVÉÒ´É xÉÒ®úVÉÉ EòÉä (In the case of youngsters)
-- +Éi¨Éɇ¦É¨ÉÉxÉ, {ÉÞ. 94
iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ : ‡SÉ®ÆúVÉÒ‡´É xÉÒ®úVɇEò .........

2. ±ÉI¨ÉҺɨÉÉxÉ ¸ÉÒ¨ÉiÉÒ ......... EòÉä
(In the case of elderly women whose husbands are alive)
iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ : ±ÉI¨ÉҺɨÉÉxÉÖ®úɱÉèxÉ ¸ÉÒ¨ÉiÉÒ......... MÉɇ®ú‡Eò

Abuses and Curses:

1. ‡´ÉvÉ´ÉÉ EòÉ ¤Éä]õÉ
'son of widow'
iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ : ´ÉävÉ´ÉÉ ¨ÉÆÖb÷ÉEòÉäb÷EòÉ

2. +ÉıÉÉå ¨Éå ‡¨ÉSÉÇ ZÉÉåEò näùxÉÉ
'To put powered red pepper in the eyes'
iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ : Eò±±É±±ÉÉä EòÉ®ú EòÉä^õÉ

Blessings and Flattery:

1. iÉä®äú ¨ÉÖĽþ ¨Éå nÚùÖvÉ-"ÉCEò®ú b÷ɱÉÉ VÉÉB
'May milk and sugar be put in your mouth'
iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ : xÉÒ xÉÉä]Âõ±ÉÉä {ÉɱÉÚ {ÉÆSÉnùÉ®ú {ÉÉ䪪ÉÉ

2. iÉä®úÉ PÉ®ú ºÉÉäxÉÉ ½þÉä VÉÉB
'May your house become golden'
iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ : xÉÒ <±±ÉÖ ¤ÉÆMÉÉ®Æú MÉÉxÉÚ

Certain instances where TH bilinguals make literal word by word translations from Telugu to Hindi, are also found which are not acceptable to SH speakers at all.

For example,

1. º]õҨɮú ‡VÉiÉxÉÉ ¤Éc÷É JÉ®úÒnÚÄùMÉÉ
-- +Éi¨Éɇ¦É¨ÉÉxÉ, {ÉÞ. 81
iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ : º]õҨɮÆúiÉ {Éäqù EòÉ°ü EòÉå]õÉxÉÖ

2. {ÉÖºiÉEò {É®ú ºÉä oùι]õ ½þ]õÉB |É"xÉÉlÉÇEò ¦ÉÉ´É ºÉä ´Éä±ÉÉ
-- +YÉÉiÉ EòlÉÉEòÉ®ú
iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ : {ÉÖºiÉEò¨É ¨ÉÒnù xÉÖÆSÉÒ oùι]õ ¨É®ú‡±ÉSÉ |É"xÉÉlÉÇEÆòMÉÉ SÉä{{ÉÉbÖ÷

Syntax:

The form of the relative clause in Telugu is very similar to the reduced relative clause form for participal construction of relative clause in Hindi. Therefore most of the TH bilinguals use the reduced relative clause instead of the (complete or) normal form of it. For example, a TH bilingual would prefer to say xÉä®úÒ JÉ®úÒiÉÒ ½Öþ<Ç ‡EòiÉÉ¤É +SUôÒ ½èþ and not VÉÉä ‡EòiÉÉ¤É ¨ÉéxÉä JÉ®úÒnùÒ ½èþ, ´É½þ +SUôÒ ½èþ* The frequency of passive constructions is much lower in Telugu than in Hindi. So, the general tendency of TH bilinguals is to use active constructions as far as possible and passives only when this use becomes absolutely essential. Thus, the tendency of a TH bilingual would be to say ¨Éé ªÉ½þ EòÉ¨É xɽþÓ Eò®ú ºÉEòiÉÉ instead of ¨ÉÖZɺÉä ªÉ½þ EòÉ¨É xɽþÓ ‡EòªÉÉ VÉÉ ºÉEòiÉÉ*

Lexical Transfer:

Some lexical items of L1 are transferred to L2 and are used in the same sense as they are used in L1. Such transfer results in the inability of the SH speakers to understand the meanings of such transferred lexical items. Other TH bilinguals, however will be able to understand them. For example, Telugu items such as

‡¤É°ünù ('title', 110 D),
¤ªÉÉVÉ ('auction' 196 D)
{Énäù-{Énäù ('often', 219 D)
VÉÖ¤¤ÉÉ ('shirt prahk-shirt muhurt p. 36)
+ºÉÚªÉ (jealousy +ÉÄJÉ ‡¨ÉSÉÉèxÉÒ etc., p. 43)
--- nù‡IÉhÉ EòÒ ¦ÉɹÉÉBÄ +Éè®ú ºÉɇ½þiªÉ, {ÉÞ. 89

These lexical items are transferred from Telugu to Hindi.

Lexical Borrowing:

The general tendency of TH bilinguals in writing/speaking Hindi is to use English lexical items wherever they are unable to find a suitable item in Hindi. Also it appears from the recent creative literature in Hindi written by Telugu speakers, that it has become a fashion to use English lexical items in their writings.

For example,

¨ÉÚb÷, ‡]õEäò]õ-Eò±ÉC]õ®ú, ‡®úVɱÉ]õ, ‡¨ÉCºÉSÉ®ú, ]äõzÉÒºÉ, EòÉä]Çõ, {Éä{É®ú, ¨ÉäxÉÖ etc.

Transfer of L1 meaning to L2 items:
This type of transfer may be at the lexical level or it may involve transfer of higher units of description such as sentence, clause, phrase, collocation or compound. At the lexical level, the meaning of an item in L1 (Telugu) may be transferred to an item in L2 (Hindi).

For example,

´ªÉÉ{ÉÉ®ú näùJÉxÉÉ
´ªÉÉ{ÉÉ®ú näùJÉiÉä ½ÖþB º´ÉäSUôÉ ‡´É½þÉ®ú Eò®úxÉÉ SÉɽþiÉÉ ½èþ*
-- ¦ÉMxɺÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 94

is used by Balasouri Reddy. He has transferred the meaning of the Telugu lexical item´ªÉÉ{ÉÉ®ú¨ÉÖ SÉÚSÉÖ]õ to a lexical item in Hindi. Such a transfer results in the extension of meaning of an item of L2 (Hindi). In SH ´ªÉÉ{ÉÉ®ú näùJÉxÉÉ may at best be restricted to the sense of simply 'looking at' or 'observing' business transactions. But in TH, its meaning has been extended to the sense of 'controlling' or 'properly maintaining' a business.

Other such examples are:

1. nÚùºÉ®äú ‡ºÉxÉä¨ÉÉ näùJÉxÉä VÉÉiÉ iÉÉä ®úÉiÉ EòÉä ¤ÉÉ®ú½þ ¤ÉVÉä iÉEò MÉÉc÷Ò JÉÓSÉxÉä EòÉä xÉÉè¤ÉiÉ +É VÉÉiÉÒ*
-- ºÉ¦ªÉiÉÉ, {ÉÞ. 65

2. ®úÉä¹É ‡nùJÉÉ ºÉEòiÉä lÉä
-- ¤É臮úº]õ®ú, {ÉÞ. 80

The underlined items in the above examples are instances of transfer of L1 meanings to L2 items. The corresponding items in Telugu are:

1. ®åúb÷´É +É]õ ‡ºÉ‡xɨÉÉ SÉÚb÷b÷ɇxɇEò ´Éä±iÉä ®úɇjÉ {ÉzÉåbÖ÷ MÉå]õ±É´É®úEÚò ¤ÉÆb÷Ò ±ÉÉMɴɱɇºÉ ´ÉÏSSɇnù*
2. ®úÉä¹É¨É SÉÚË{ÉSÉ Mɱɰü*

Formal transfer may involve transfer at higher units of descriptions as mentioned above.

For example,

1. ‡xÉhÉÇªÉ {É®ú +ÉxÉÉ
-- ¦ÉMxɺÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 87
2. ‡nùxÉÉå EòÉä føEäò±ÉxÉÉ
-- ´É½þÒ, {ÉÞ. 10
3. ºÉÖxÉxÉÉ VÉÉxÉxÉÉ
-- ´É½þÒ, {ÉÞ. 85
4. VÉÉEò®ú ¨ÉÉÄMÉEò®ú JÉÉxÉÉ
-- iÉä±ÉÖMÉÖ +Éè®ú ‡½þxnùÒ Eò½þÉ´ÉiÉÉå EòÉ iÉÖ±ÉxÉÉi¨ÉEò +vªÉªÉxÉ, {ÉÞ. 184

Style-ranges in TH and SH

Although TH bilinguals use a number of Sanskrit words in their writings, at times they deviate from such highly Sanskritized style and adopt native colloquial usages of Hindi such as +Æ]õ ºÉÆ]õ ¤ÉEòxÉÉ (¦ÉM¨ÉºÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 22) etc. such combinations result in a funny style. For example, one may consider the following passage.
‡VÉºÉ xÉ®úEò ºÉä ‡´É¨ÉÖCiÉ ½þÉä ¨Éé +ÉxÉxnù{ÉÚ´ÉÇEò VÉÒ´ÉxÉ ‡¤ÉxÉÉiÉÒ lÉÒ, =ºÉÒ xÉ®úEò EòÒ ®úÉxÉÒ ¨Éä®úÒ {ÉɇjÉEòÉ ¨ÉÉÄ =ºÉ ‡nùxÉ xÉÞiªÉ näùJÉxÉä +ɪÉÒ lÉÒ, ±Éä‡EòxÉ ¨ÉÖZÉä ¨ÉɱÉÚ¨É xÉ lÉÉ* xÉÞiªÉ ºÉ¨ÉÉ{iÉ Eò®ú VÉ¤É ¨Éé OÉÒxÉ °ü¨É ºÉä ¤Éɽþ®ú ‡xÉEò±ÉÒ iÉÉä näùJÉiÉÒ CªÉÉ ½ÚÄþ ¨Éä®äú ºÉɨÉxÉä JÉc÷Ò vɨÉEòÉxÉä´ÉɱÉä º´É®ú ¨Éå ´É½þ ‡Sɱ±ÉÉ-‡Sɱ±ÉÉEò®ú Eò½þ ®ú½þÒ lÉÒ * '+¤É Eò½þÉÄ VÉÉ+ÉäMÉÒ ? ¦ÉÉMÉxÉä EòÉ ¡ò±É SÉJÉÉ nÚÄùMÉÒ* ¨ÉéxÉä JÉÚxÉ-{ɺÉÒxÉÉ BEò Eò®úEäò {ÉɱÉ-{ÉÉäºÉEò®ú ¤Éc÷É ‡EòªÉÉ iÉÉä SÉÖ{ÉEäò-ºÉä ¦ÉÉMÉ JÉc÷Ò ½Öþ<Ç ? ½þ®úɨÉVÉÉnùÒ Eò½þÓ EòÒ?'

Also, writers like Balasouri Reddy are found to be using some idioms such as EòÉxÉ iÉEò Jɤɮú xÉ ½þÉäxÉÉ etc., inappropriately and making funny combinations of such idioms.

For example,

ºÉÖMÉÖxÉÉ +Éè®ú ¨ÉɱÉÉ <ºÉ |ÉEòÉ®ú ¤ÉÉiÉ Eò®ú ®ú½þÒ lÉÓ ‡Eò ‡EòºÉÒ nÚùºÉ®äú Eäò EòÉxÉ iÉEò =ºÉEòÒ ¤ÉÉiÉ Jɤɮú xÉ ½þÉäiÉÒ lÉÒ*
-- ¦ÉMxɺÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 72

In this sentence, the idioms EòÉxÉ iÉEò {ɽÄþÖSÉxÉÉ and Jɤɮú xÉ ½þÉäxÉÉ are combined in a funny way and there is no agreement between the subject noun and the corresponding pronoun.

Apart from this, on the basis of Telugu constructions, some usages are found in TH bilinguals' creative works which sound funny to SH speakers. For example,

1. ¨Éé +É{ÉEòÉä ¾þnùªÉ ºÉä <iÉxÉÉ SÉɽþiÉÉ ½ÚÄþ, ´ªÉCiÉ xɽþÓ Eò®ú ºÉEòiÉÉ*
-- ¦ÉMxɺÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 107

2. =xÉ ‡nùxÉÉå EòÉä føEäò±ÉxÉÉ ‡EòiÉxÉÉ Eò¹]õºÉÉvªÉ lÉÉ, ¨Éé EÖòUô xɽþÓ Eò½þ ºÉEòiÉÉ*
-- ¦ÉMxɺÉÒ¨ÉÉBÄ, {ÉÞ. 100

3. ±Éä‡EòxÉ +SÉÉxÉEò BEò nÚùºÉ®úÒ +Éè®úiÉ BEò xÉ<Ç +Éè®úiÉ EòÉä, ‡VɺÉxÉä {ÉɱÉÉ, {ÉÉäºÉÉ B´ÉÆ ¤Éc÷É ‡EòªÉÉ, ¨Éä®äú VÉÒ´ÉxÉ ¨Éå |É´Éä"É Eò®ú ¨Éä®äú VÉÒ´ÉxÉ EòÉ +ÉvÉÉ ‡½þººÉÉ ¤ÉÉ]õiÉä, ¨Éä®úÒ +vÉȇMÉxÉÒ ¤ÉxÉiÉä näùJÉ ¨Éä®úÒ ¨ÉÉÄ ºÉ½þxÉ xɽþÓ Eò®ú ºÉEòÒ*
-- ¨ÉÉiÉÉ EòÒ ¨É¨ÉiÉÉ, {ÉÞ. 13

Conclusion

In conclusion, the features of TH which are different from those of SH may be summarised as follows:

1. Two types of substitution take place in the Phonemic pattern: (a) arising out of speaking in the way the sound is represented in the script (eye dialects) and (b) Telugu has a different pattern of pronunciation for the Sanskrit loan words from that on Hindi pattern.

2. Tense, Numbers, Gender and Person concord is not maintained.

3. Telugu has a natural gender whereas Hindi has a grammatical gender. Thus, the forms corresponding to the neuter gender items in Telugu are used in masculine and feminine gender in TH at random without adhering to the Hindi system.

4. The postposition 'ne' is dropped in a number of instances where it is necessary and also its use is inappropriate in certain instances. This is due to the fact that in Dravidian languages, a subject never takes a postposition.

5. The declinable adjectives etc., fail to show the appropriate forms in TH due to the influence of Telugu on Hindi.

6. Appropriate word order is not maintained in TH. The reason for this seems to be the attempt to use word bound translation from the mother-tongue on Hindi.

7. Some items result in unusual/unacceptable expressions to SH speakers due to certain regional expressions pertaining to culture, social settings etc.

8. The TH writers at times adopt some native colloquial usages of Hindi while using highly Sanskritized style, which results in a funny style. Such variations in certain cases are due to the particular native dialect of the TH writers.

9. At the syntactic level, it is found that the TH bilinguals mostly use reduced relative clause constructions.

10. The frequency of passive constructions in TH is very low when compared to native Hindi speakers writings.