CHAPTER - 3

MODIFIERS :

ADJECTIVALS AND ADVERBIALS

Tangkhul-Naga Grammar ( A Study of Word Formation )

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3.0. Introduction

A ‘modifier’ is any category which serves to add semantic information to that provided by the head of the category within which it is contained, such as an adjectival within an NP or an adverbial within a VP. That is, there are two broad types of modifiers - - (1) Adjectivals and (2) Adverbials.

In the following discussion, separate sections are not clearly divided to distinguish between noun modifiers (adjectivals) and verb modifiers (adverbials). This has been done mainly, to avoid repetition and, partly, due to lack of adequate morphological theory. Thus, there will be some ‘mixing up’ or ‘messing up’ among the lexical items found in what I have arbitrarily subdivided as ‘adjectivals’ and ‘adverbials’.

3.1. ADJECTIVALS

It is an undisputed fact that there are several languages like English in which adjectives, as a word class, are quite different from nouns and verbs. What is being disputed, in the case of these languages, is the exact nature of this distinction, and the criteria that can be used for defining or describing it. The exact relationship between adjectives on the one hand, and other categories like nouns, verbs and adverbs on the other, has thus been one of the highly disputed issues in linguistics and other related studies. While Plato and

Aristotle treated adjectives as a subclass of verbs, Alexandrians regarded them as a subclass of nouns (see Lyons 1966). Logicians have generally retained the former view, but a dispute still persists among them, namely as to whether adjectives are to be regarded as predicates proper or only as truncated noun phrases which function as predicates. On the other hand, “Indian grammarians like Pānini and Patānjali. . . found it unnecessary (or rather impossible)to differentiate between modifiers (vises,an,as) and the modified (vises,yas)in the noun phrases . . . . in Sanskrit”. ¹⁰

In Tangkhul-Naga there is no distinction between verbs and adjectives in the sense that they are derived from roots, and function as adjectives or verbs with (a) appropriate affixation and (b) appropriate occurrence in a sentence.

3.1.1. Morphological characteristics

Since Tangkhul-Naga adjectives can fall semantically somewhere between verbs and nouns (see sections 3.1.2.3, 1.0.1. below), it not surprising that morphologically they also tend display intermediate characteristics. In other words, Tangkhul-Naga adjectives display a hybrid morphology, some nominal , some verbal. The bulk of the morphological feature of adjecties in

¹⁰D.N.S. Bhat. (1994). The Adjectival Category : Criteria for Differentiation and Idetification.

Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. p. 245.

the language pertains to both their derivational and grammatical morphology.

3.1.1.1.Degree modifiers / intensifiers

There are a good number of intensifiers or degree modifiers in the language. They are suffixed to roots to derive forms expressing meanings ranging from more-than-moderate’ to ‘extremity’ or more complex and modified meanings related to the roots. The intensifiers may be productive/common or non-productive/individual.

3.1.1.1.1. Non-productive degree modifiers

Individual intensifiers are non-productive in sense that each of them can be affixed to only one root or a very few number of roots. The following are some of the forms formed with non-productive intensifier in the language.

(1) η∂̀nai-súi
slippery-INTSF	‘very (wet and ) slippery (as cooked lady’s a finger. etc.)
(2) híη-pit
shine-INTSF	‘very shining (as well polished shoes, etc.)’
(3) η∂̀va-t^hér
thin-INTSF	‘very shinning (as well- polished shoes, etc.)’
(4) hòr-tràrik
bright-INTSF	‘very clear and bright
(5) sìm-ríp
sweet-INSTF	‘very (tasty and) sweet’
(6) k^hà – zék
bitter-INSTF	‘obnoxiously bitter’
(7) t^hur-p^h∂
sour-INTSF	‘distastefully very sour’
(8) n∂̀téi-h∂ η
different-INTSF	‘quite different’
(9) k∂̀c∂̀η-k^h∂ t
real-INTSF	‘definite, real’
(10) η∂̀t∂̀r-téi
straight-INTSF	‘straight forward, very straight’
(11) m∂̀k^hei-sáp
crooked-INTSF	‘(Lit:) very crooked’ bent or curved’
(12) η∂̀cí
tight-INTSF	‘very tight (as clothing, etc.) over crowded’.
(13) šá-tok
thick-INTSF	‘very thick or unusually thick’

There are some intensifiers which can be suffixed to more than one root

(14) /tíη/ occurs in the following forms :
(a) púi-tíη
full-INTSF	‘fully filled, well build (as body, etc.)’
(b) t∂ηm∂η-tíη
dark-INTSF	‘completely dark’
(c) t^hò- tíη
fill-INTSF	‘well fed; having stomach completely filled’
(d) wòr-tíη
swell-INTSF	‘fully swollen or bulgy’
15 /rik/ derives the following forms :
(a) m∂̀t^hiη-rík
clear-INTSF	‘very clear, or transparent’
(b) η∂̀úm-rík
round-INTSF	‘(Lit:) very round’
(c) η∂̀rǘ- rík
pass though-INTSF	‘see-through, transparent’
(16) /rut/ occurs in the following formations
(a) η∂̀mí-rut
dim--INTSF	‘cloudily dark, very dim’
(b) m∂̀k^hùi-rút
muddy-INTSF	‘opaquely muddy’
(c) η∂̀cí-rut
tight-INTSF	‘overcrowded (especially hindering free movement’
(d) t∂̀rao-rút
prickly-INTSF	‘full of prickles, spreading out unevenly (as uncombed hair, etc.)’
(17) /sór/ occurs in the following forms:
(a) làηso-sór
proud-INTSF	‘very proud’
(b) hìk-sór
proud-INTSF	‘excessively proud’
(c) lèiyà-sór
leisurely-INTSF	‘free, very leisurely’
(d) ním-sor
cool/calm-INTSF	‘comfortably cool or calm, lovely’
(18) /tót/ is suffixed to form:
(a) m∂̀k^hao-tót
dirty-INTSF	‘very dirty (especially characterized by staining or littering)’
(b) m∂ηmü- tót
foolish-INTSF	‘very foolish, stupid or innocent’

3.1.1.1.2. Color degree modifiers

Tangkhul-Naga has a number of color intesifiers or modifiers which derive new color terms. The meanings of the derived words are related to the potential meaning of the bare roots in varying degrees. Some of the modifiers come in partially reduplicated forms.

There are five types of reddish color derived from the root /húη/ ‘red’

(19) húη-p∂̀hàη-sáη
red-MODF-REDU	‘light brown’
(20) húη-pào-sao
red-MODF-REDU	‘light brown (as the color of tobacco juice)’
(21) húη- piη
red-INTSF	‘very red, scarlet, vermilion’
(22) húη- ši
red-INTSF	‘flaming red, scarlet’
(23) húη-zir
red-MODF	‘pink (as the flesh color of a young rat or a fledging)’

Two commonly used yellowish color terms are derived from root m∂̀yìr ‘yellow’ :

(24) m∂̀yìr-cír
yellow-MODF	‘whitish/yellowish (as an egg shell)’
(25) m∂̀yìr-húr
yellow-MODF	‘pale color (as bloodless face)’

Two greenish color terms are derived from the root m∂tek ‘green’:

(26) m∂̀tek-cìm
green-MODF	‘(very) green as plants’ leaves’ pleasantly very green’
(27) m∂̀tek-rék/sék
green-MODF	‘deep green’

There are a number of color terms derivd from the root c∂r or ηui both meaning ‘white’:

(28) c∂ r- ši
white-INTSF	‘very white’
(29) c∂ r-t∂̀rè-te
white-MODF-REDU	‘white (as teeth)’
(30) ηùi-hào-sào
white-MODF-REDU	‘wheatish white’
(31) ηùi-hòr-tór
white-MODF-REDU	‘pinkish white(as the color of light-colored buffaloes)’
(32) ηùi-hók
white-INTSF	‘snow white’
(33) ηùi-hà?-tá?
white-MODF-REDU	‘bright white’
(34) ηùi-pet-sét
white-MODF-REDU	‘grayish white’

Dark color terms are derived from the root zìk or m∂̀hàη, both meaning ‘black’

(35) zìk-rík
black-INTSF	‘dense/deep black’
(36) zìk-h∂̀m-s∂m
black-MODF-REDU	‘deep dark brown’
(37) zìk-ηéi-séi
black-MODF-REDU	‘brownish color of the natives (Tangkhul-Nagas)’
(38) m∂̀hàη-càη
black-INTSF	‘very black (as the color of soots)’

There is one derived form of m∂̀yìη ‘blue’ :

m∂̀yìη-rík
blue-INTSF	‘blue (as the clear evening sky)’

There is one derived color term of unknown origin and which not segmentable into ‘root’ and ‘derivative’ :

(39) cì-hór-cop

‘light green’

This word is considered to be a derived one because, like other derived forms and unlike non-derived roots, it cannot take any formative affix.

Apart from the above-discussed derivatives, there is a rather productive intesifier/modifier/ri/. Often this suffix tend to carry the meaning ‘comfortable’ or ‘pleasing’. It is suffixable to some ten roots :

(40) (a)cíη-ri
calm-INTSF	‘(very) peaceful/calm, silent’
(b) m∂̀yo-rì
lovely-INTSF	‘very lovely, cool, serene, tranquil (as one’s behavior or manner)’
(c) lèišì-ri
love-INTSF	‘very lovely, comfortably lovely’
(d) yǘk^hǜ-ri
shady-INTSF	‘pleasingly damp, cool and green (as in thick green forest)’
(e) m∂̀šìt-rí
befriend-INTSF	‘very friendly, intimate or close’
(f) η∂̀ηì-rí
spherical-INTSF	‘very (or evenly) spherical’
(g) η∂̀hùi-rí
feeble-INTSF	‘very soft or lovely (especially looks, manner or utterance)’

3.1.1.1.3. Common/productive intesifiers

There are three very productive intesifiers in the language - - /lák/ and /šun/ and /nà/. They can be suffixed to any root. The difference between them is that /na/ expreses the meaning ‘too’ or ‘too much’, /lak/ carries the meaning ‘very’, / šun/ (often) carries a more complex meaning ‘unexpectedly ver’. Thus, consider the following examples :

à	p∂ η- ∂̀
3SG	strong-NFUT	‘He/she is strong’
(1) à	p∂ η- nà-y∂̀
3SG	strong-INTSF-NFUT	‘He/she is too strong’
(2) à	p∂ η- lák- ∂̀
3SG	strong-INTSF-NFUT	‘He/she is verystrong’
(3) à	p∂ η- šun-∂̀
3SG	strong-INTSG	‘(Unexpectedly) he/she is very strong’

The intensifiers /nà/. /lák/ and / šun/ affixed to verbal roots show gradations in their loss of adjectival characteristics and gain of adverbial properties. Fox example consider the following constructions :

à	z∂̀ t-∂̀
3SG	go-FUT	‘He/she goes’
(1) à	z∂̀t-nà-y∂̀
3SG	go-INTSF-NFUT	‘He/she goes too much/too often/too far/for too long’
(2) à	z∂̀t-lák-∂̀
3SG	go-INTSF-NFUT	‘He/she goes very much/very often/ for a long time’
(3) à	z∂̀t - šun-∂̀
3SG	go-INTSG-NFUT	‘He/she goes unexpectedly very much/ very often /very far/ for a long time’

3.1.1.1.4. Reduplication as intensification/modification.

Some bisyllabic roots can be reduplicated to derive intesified forms. In the process of reduplication the last syllable of the root is partially reduplicated by replacing the initial consonant. Examples are :

(1) η∂̀rà-cài
equal-REDU	(Lit:) ‘very equal’
(2) η∂̀rí-t^hí
equal (size)-REDU	(Lit:) ‘very small in size’
(3) η∂̀rí-t^h∂ n
equal(height)-REDU	(Lit:) ‘very equal in height and length’
(4) η∂̀pet-tét
pasty-REDU	‘very pasty/creamy’
(5) k^haηser-tér
lewd-REDU	‘very lewd, wanton’
(6) m∂̀reo-céo
jolly-REDU	‘very jolly, amiable’
(7) m∂̀n∂̀k-t∂ k
powdery-REDU	‘very smooth, polished, powdery’
(8) lùirà-sá
stupid-REDU	‘very stupidly unskilled (in movement or action)’
(9) η∂̀t^hém-rém
thin/slant-REDU	‘very thin, slant or skinny’
(10) m∂̀šǘ-tǘ
narrow-REDU	‘very narrow (as hole or path)’
(11) m∂̀šà́-tà́
wide-REDU	‘very wide (as hole or road’
(12) η∂̀úm-túm
round-REDU	(Lit:) ‘very round’

3.1.1.1.5. Moderation

Tangkhul-Naga has one very productive moderation suffix/rísí/which is somewhat similar to the English -ish (as in ‘reddish’). It can be suffixed to many roots (especially color and taste). Examples are :

(1) (a) šìm-rísí
sweet-MODF	‘sweetish’
(b) zìk-rísí
black-MODF	‘blackish’
(c) η∂̀úm-rísí
round-MODF	‘roundish’
(d) šà-rísí
hot-MODF	‘hottish’

Again thre are a few non-productive derivatives of this type, each of which is affixable to only one root. For Examples are :

(2) sàη-réiséi
long-MODF	‘longish, semi-ovally longish’
(3) rùm-rǘsǘ
warm-MODF	‘lukewarm’

3.1.1.2. Quantifiers and determiners

As perhaps in most languages, numerals, quantifiers and determiners belong morphologically (and less wyntactically) to noun, verb, adjective and adverb classes. Thus, the semantic description forms part and parcel fo the characterization of various sub-classes of hte language’s lexicon. In sentential construction, they precede the head verbs and follow the head nouns. The following examples illustrates how quantifiers and determiners are constructed in the language :

k∂̀=Nominalizer/Non-finite marker

∂̀ = Agentive/Attributive suffix

(1) k∂̀-toη-∂̀
NOMZ-full-ATTRI	‘all’
(2) kái-k^h∂̀
piece-UNIT	‘some’
(3) t∂rá-k^h∂̀
many-UNIT	‘many’
(4) k∂̀-cúη- k^h∂̀
NOMZ-much-UNIT	‘many/much’
(5) η∂̀y∂ r-t∂
divide-ADV	‘some’
(6) k∂̀- cúη
NOMZ-much E	‘most (of the people/things)’
(7) ci
(8) k∂̀-ci
WH-that	‘which’
(9) k∂̀-cì-vü
NOMZ-that-UNIT	‘every (person/thing)’
(10) k∂̀-ci- k∂̀-t^há
WH-that WH-like	‘anybody/anything

3.1.1.3.Numeral sub-system

3.1.1.3.1. Ordinals

An ordinal is a number defining position in a series, Tangkhul-Naga ordinals are formed by affixing the nominalizer or non-finite marker /k∂̀/-/ k^h∂̀/ and suffixing the agentive or attributive adjective marker /∂̀/ to the numerals.]

There are three ways of forming ordinals :

0. Ordinals for the first ten numbers are formed by prefixing /k∂̀/or/ k^h∂̀/and suffixing /∂̀/-/y∂̀/-/w∂̀/ to the numerals except the first one.

Numerals		Ordinals
á- k^h∂̀	1	k^h∂̀-rì-y∂̀	‘first’
k^h∂ -ní	2	k∂̀- k^h∂ - ní-y∂̀	‘second’
k∂̀- t^hùm	3	k∂̀- k∂̀- t^hùm-∂̀	‘third’
t^h∂̀rùk	6	k∂̀- t^h∂̀rùk-∂̀	‘sixth’
t^h∂̀rà	10	k∂̀- t^h∂̀rà-∂̀	‘tenth’

1. The above rules of forming ordinals is not applicable in the formation of ordinals for the 11^th, 20^th,30^th ,31^st, 41^st, 51^st,61^st,71^st,81^st,91^st,100^th. For these numbers, there is no affixation of /k∂̀/ or /∂̀/, but, instead, k∂̀-cì-pa ‘the . . . one’, is added. From the following construction, we can argue that numerals in the language tend to denote pragmatic forces.

k∂̀-cì= complementizer/’be that’

pa= specifier

Numerals		Ordinals
t^h∂̀rà-t∂ á-k^h∂̀	11	t^h∂̀rà-t∂ á-k^h∂̀ k∂̀-cì-pà	11^th
m∂̀kǜ	20	m∂̀kǜ k∂̀-cì-pà	20^th
h∂ η-m∂̀tì-t∂	41	h∂ η-m∂̀tì-t∂ á-k^h∂̀ k∂̀-cì-pà	41^st
h∂ η- t^h∂̀rùk-t∂	61	h∂ η- t^h∂̀rùk-t∂ á-k^h∂̀ k∂̀-cì-pà	61^st
h∂ η-cìš∂̀t- t∂	81	h∂ η-cìš∂̀t- t∂ á-k^h∂̀ k∂̀-cì-pà	81^st
šá- k^h∂̀	100	šá- k^h∂̀ k∂̀-cì-pà	100^th

The suffixation of /pa/ to other ordinals derives k^h∂̀-rì-y∂̀-pa ‘first one’, k∂̀-k^h∂ -ní-y∂̀-pa’ second one’ an dso on. The above formation are exceptions or idosyncratic.

2. Ordinals above 12^th are formed by prefixing /k∂̀/-/k^h∂̀/ and suffixing /∂̀/-/y∂̀/ to the second constituent of the numeral. Examples are :

Numerals		Ordinals
t^h∂̀rà-t∂ k^h∂ -ní	12	t^h∂̀rà-t∂ k∂̀-k^h∂ -ní-y∂̀	12^th
m∂̀kǜ-t∂ t^h∂̀rùk	26	m∂̀kǜ-t∂ k∂̀-t^h∂̀rùk-∂̀	26^th
h∂ η-m∂̀tì	40	h∂ η- k^h∂̀- m∂̀tì -y∂̀	40^th
h∂ η- cìš∂̀t	80	h∂ η- k∂̀- cìš∂̀t -∂̀	80^th
h∂ η- cìko	90	h∂ η- k∂̀- cìko -∂̀	90^th
h∂ η- cìko-t∂ cìko	99	h∂ η- cìko-t∂ k∂̀- cìko -∂̀	99^th

Though the above analysis seems to be exhaustive and troublesome, the use of ordinals is very limited in Tangkhul-Naga. Ordinals higher than 10^th or 20^th are rarely used or needed by a few educated person (and especially in writing). The speakers of the language in general tend to avoid the above forms of higher ordinals, and prefer to use longer simpler expressions.

Lastly, Tangkhul-Naga has two words corresponding to the English ‘last’ and ‘last of all’. They are :

(1) k^h∂̀-nao-w∂̀
NOMZ-late-ATTRI	‘last/final’
(2) nao-mèi-k∂ p-t∂
late-CMPRT-SUP-ADV	‘last of all’

3.1.1.3.2. Distributive numerals.

Distributive numerals are formed by reduplicating the last syllable of the numeral. In the following examples k^h∂-ni-ni ‘two two’ also means ‘both’. This is an exception.

á-vǘ

FX-ONE ‘one’ = variant of á-k^h∂̀ ‘one’

á-vǘ-vǘ	‘one by one/one at a time/one each’
k^h∂ -ní-ní	‘both/two by two/two at a time/ two each’
t^h∂̀rà-rà	‘ten by ten/ten at a time/ten each’
h∂ η-cìko-t∂ cìko-ko	‘ninety by ninety/ninety at a time/ninety each’
h∂ η-cìko- ko	‘ninety nine by ninety nine/ninety nine at a time/ninety nine each’
šá-šá	‘one hundred by one hundred/one hundred at a time/ one hundred each’

Non-numeral distributiveness is expressed in terms of k∂̀-cì-vü ‘each’, ‘every’ as in the following :

k∂̀cì=rt. of ‘count/enumerate’

vü = rt. of ‘one’

(1) mì	k∂̀cì-vü
man	count-ONE	‘each and every man/everybody’
(2) à-p∂̀m	k∂̀cì-vü
FX-place	dount-ONE	‘each and every place/everywhere’
(3) à-t∂ m	k∂̀cì-t∂
FX-time	count-ADV	‘each and every time/always’

3.1.1.3.3. Multiplicative/frequency numerals

Multiplicatives are formed by suffixing / ší/ to the cardinal numerals :

ší= MULT (iplicative)

á-k^h∂̀-ší	‘once’	k∂̀-t^hùm-ší	‘thrice’
k^h∂̀-ní- ší	‘twice;	šá- k^h∂̀- ší	‘one hundred times’

These multiplicative forms are used with reference to time only. With reference to quantity, quality or degree, the above forms are collocated with the word m∂̀tái-t∂ ‘exceeding/more’. Examples :

(1) k^h∂̀-ní- ší	m∂̀tái-t∂	h∂̀k-mèi-y∂̀
FX-two-MULT	exceed-ADV	big-CMPRT-NFUT
‘is bigger two times’

3.1.1.3.4. Approximative numerals

Approximative in the language is expressed by using the numeral followed by the term šü-k^h∂̀ ‘about’ or k^h∂ -t^há ‘be like/be so’. The latter one is not used with á-k^h∂ ‘one’. Elsewhere, both sü- k^h∂ and k∂- t^ha can be used interchangeably.

á- k^h∂̀- k∂̀-t^há	‘about one’
k^h∂ -ní sü- k^h∂̀/ k∂̀- t^há	‘about two/two or the like’
t^h∂̀rà sü- k^h∂̀/ k∂̀- t^há	‘about ten/ten or the like’

The approximative phrase is also formed by usng a set of two numerals in a consecutive order with or without the terms sü-k^h∂̀ or k∂- t^há. In such constructions the order of numerals invariably, is an ascending one.

(1) t^h∂̀rà	m∂̀kǜ	mì-lù
ten	twenty	give-IMP
‘Give about 10-20 (some in between 10 and 20)’
(2) t^h∂̀rà	m∂̀kǜ	sü-k^h∂̀	mì-lù
ten	twenty	about	give-IMP
‘Give about 10-20 (some about 10 or 20)’

3.1.1.3.5 Fractional numerals

The most commonly used fractional numerals in the language are ¼, ½, ¾, out of which the first and the last are used formally, in money measurement. The second one has two terms - - one for money and the other for the rest.

šíki		‘quarter of a rupee/one fourth
m∂̀-k^hai
FX-divide		‘half of a rupee’
šíki	k∂̀-t^hùm	‘three fourth of a rupee’

These fractionals can, thus, be added to any numerals as in :

t∂ η = rt. of ‘lump/solid/cake’

k^hai = rt. of ‘divide/break’

(1) k^h∂ -ní t∂ η- k^hai	‘two and a half (2 ½)’
(2) šíní t∂ η- k^hai	‘seven and a half (7 ½)’

Other fractionals like ‘one third’, ‘two third’, etc. are expressed by suffixing the locative marker /li/ to the larger number and followed by the smaller number. Examples :

(1) k∂̀-t^hùm-li	á- k^h ∂̀
three-LOC	FX-one	‘one third’ (Lit: one in three)
(2) k∂̀-t^hùm-li	k^h∂ -ní
three-LOC	FX-tow	‘two third’ (Lit: two in three)

3.1.1.4.Comparative and superlative forms

Tangkhul-Naga adjectives tend to display several noun-like, ver-like morphological characteristics. As modifiers and predicates, adjectives in the language are inflected for gender, number and tense-aspect, except personal numbers (i.e.dual and plural). Again, all adjectives and verbs can be characterized by the comparative and superlative markers. Thus, adjectives in the language can be infelcted in various ways as in the following.

(1) /mèi/. This comparative marker is suffixable to any root to form complex root (which are then further inflected for attributive and predictive functions). (For detail see discussion on syntactic characteristics below)’

zà-mèi
eat-CMPRT	‘eat more/more often’
sü-mèi
short-CPMRT	‘shorter’

(2) /t^húi/, /k∂ p/. These are superlative markers which are suffixed after the comparative affix. These markers can used in free variation though /k∂ p/ often carries the additional meaning ‘of all’. The markers are suffixed to the complex comparative forms to form complex superlative forms (which are then inflected for attributive or predicative function).

Root+CMPRT+SUP
šà-mèi-t^húi	‘hottest’
šà-mèi-k∂ p	‘hottest, hottest of all’
zìk-mèi-t^húi	‘blackest’
zìk-mèi- k∂ p	‘blackest, blackest of all’

/k^hár/. This is an intesifier forming comparatives expressing the meaning ‘much more’, as in :

p^há-mèi-k^hár
good-CMPRT-INTSF	‘much better’
z∂̀t-mèi- k^hár
go-CMPRT-INTSF	‘go much farther/much more often/for a much longer time’

3.1.1.5.Compounding of roots and expressives

Expressives (which are aplenty in the language and which most often have adverbial and adjectival functions) can be compounded with a number of roots to form compound adjectivals. In the process of compounding expressives tend to behave like intesifiers of modifiers. The following are some of hte most commonly used adjectives formed by compounding roots and expressives.

Root + Expressive	Input expressive
(1) η∂̀nai-p∂ t slip-EXP ‘very slippery, smooth or well-polished’	p∂ t p∂t = slippery feeling in touching or holding some smooth solid objects
(2) mór-t^huη fungous-EXP ‘very dusty/dirty, dry and bad complexioned’	t^húη t^huη = producing a lot of dust, as when dusty cloths are shaken
(3) m∂̀núi-sap sticky-EXP ‘very sticky, as hard-to-jerk-off sticky rice’	sáp sap = sticky feeling, as in contactingdiry and sweating bodies
(4) η∂̀pet-tók soft-EXP ‘unyieldingly soft, as overripe fruits’	tók = the soft state of overcooked rice, overripe fruit, etc.
(5) kào-t^hék thin-EXP ‘very skinny or thin’	t^hék=sound of, or feeling in, breaking dry and hard twig, etc.
(6) t^hào-túr fat-EXP ‘very fat and/or healthy’	túr tur= soft geeling in touching
(7) mìn-hók ripe-EXP ‘fully ripe/overripe’	hok = unyieldingly soft and slippery, as skin of overripe fruit
(8) m∂̀t^han-t^hùp cheerful-EXP ‘very cheerful’	t^hùp t^hup = workng here and there keenly or tirelessly
(9) η∂̀m-t^hùη proud-EXP ‘very proud, heedless or fearless’	t^hùη = move abruptly and heedlessly
(10) v∂̀rì-h∂p quite-EXP ‘very quite, noiseless, or lonely’	h∂p=having no effervescence, still, quite, calm, soothing
(10) η∂̀co-kóη loose-EXP ‘empty, very loose’	kóη=the feeling in lifting some lifht objects, earlier thought of to be much heavier

3.1.1.6.compounding and reduplication

There are some compound modifiers int he language which are further reduplicated to denote modified or completely changed meaning. In the process of reduplication, the last syllable of the compound root is partially reduplicated by replacing its initial consonant. The following are some of the most commonly used reduplicated compound adjectives :

Root+Root+Reduplicator

(1) t^hem-rek-sék
skill-pretend-REDU	‘pretentious to be very skillfull or learned’
(2) sü-p^h∂̀rùk-túk
short-oval-REDU	‘stout, plumby, oval’
(3) k^hón-zàr-tár
sound-dense-REDU	‘very noisy’
(4) nà-teη-séη
ear-tame-REDU	‘unheedful, unyielding’

3.1.2. Syntactic characteristics

Adjectivals may appear in sentences as either noun modifiers or as predicators. In the language, a root, as noun modifier may even become affixed to a noun itself.

3.1.2.1.Attributive adjectives

There are two suffixes and one complementizer marking the attributive function of adjectivals :

(1) /∂̀/ is suffixed to full-fledge adjectivals, that is, root plus formative affix. /∂̀/ is the agentive as well as the attributive maker.

à	k∂̀-zìk-∂̀	mì-n∂̀
3SG	NOMZ-black-ATTRI	man-COP	‘He/she is a black person’

(2) /hái/. This verb meaning ‘keep’, ‘place’, ‘leave’ is suffixed to intesified adjectival stem. The combined form occurs in nominalized or non-finite forms, as in :

zìk-rík-k∂̀-hái	mì
black-INTSF-NOMZ-leave	man
‘very black/deep black person’
(Lit: To be/being very black person)

(3) /cì/. This implicating verb ‘be that’ introduces modified adjectivals in attributive position, as in :

zìk-rísí-k∂̀-cì	mì
black-MOD NOMZ-that	man
‘(a) blackish/darkish person/ (a) person who is blackish

3.1.2.2. Predicative adjective

Predicative adjectives many or may not take any marker before tense-aspect suffixation. Roots or modified adjectival stems do not take any suffix for indicating predicative function; they take only tense-aspect markers. Thus, consider the following constructions :

(a) à	zìk-∂̀
3SG	black-NFUT	‘He/she is black’
(b) à	zìk-rísí-y∂̀
3SG	black-MOD-NFUT	‘He/she is blackish’

Intensified form of adjectivals take the grammaticalized verb hái ‘leave’ followed by tense-aspect markers. Thus, consider :

(a) à	zìk-rík-hái-y∂̀
3SG	black-INTSF-leave-NFUT	‘He/she is very black’

3.1.2.3. Bound modifier

Modifying roots can be affixed to the nouns themselves. Thus, consider the following :

(a) sèi-ηùi-là	ci	t^hì-hái-r∂
cattle-white-F	that	die-keep-PERF
‘The white-cow has died’ (Habitual name of the cow)
(b) à	yar-hàη-n∂̀
cattle-white-F	man-black-COP
‘He is black-man’ (Habitual name of the man)

In this section, I have introduced and investigated some aspects of adjectivals in a very simplified way. No one is more aware than I of hte many over-simplifications which have been introduced, and the gratuititous theoretical assumptions that have been made. Often, it was necessary to cut corners in order to make any progress at all in the exploratory venture of this kind. Needless to say, more works needsto be done on the adjectivals in Tangkhul-Naga.

3.2 ADVERBIALS

Of all the word categories adverbs constitute the least homogenous class and the hardest to define. As rightly pointed out by Nilsen, ‘there seems to be a general consensus of opinion among grammarians (no matter what model they represent) that the most heterogeneous, and the least understood of the traditional part-of-speech categories is, without question, the category of adverb” ¹¹.

Traditionally, an adverb is a lexical category whose members are usually grammatical adjuncts of a verb. Most typically adverbs express such semantic notions as time, place, manner, degree, cause, result, condition, concession, purpose, meansinstrumental, or circumstances. In Tangkhul-Naga, all these notions are expressed by affixes which are added to the roots and occuring in appropriate sentential constructions.

The heterogeneity of adverbials is evident in their semantics, syntac and morphology. Many semantic sub-classes of adverbials in Tangkhul-Naga are coded either by derived ‘one-word’ stems, particles affixed to roots, or by more complex syntactic (or sentential) constructions. In the following discussion I have broadly (and rather arbitrarily) presented adverbials in the language under two heads - - morphological and semantic.

3.2.1 Morphological characteristics

Adverbials in the language are formed by suffixation of adverbial particles to roots, derivation with /a/ prefixation, reduplication of the roots of suffixes (particles) or by compounding the suffixes.

3.2.1.1. Adverbial particles

There are several adverbial particles which are suffixable to particular types of roots. The following are the most productive particles in the language:

1. /t∂/. This is the most productive adverbializer which can be suffixed to any root, as in:

(1) t^hak-t∂	zà-lù
quick-ADV	eat-IMP	‘Eat quickly/fast’
(2) pí-t∂	zà-lù
sleep-ADV	eat-IMP	‘Eat sleeping’ (Lit : Eat by sleeping)
(3) John- t∂	lèi-r∂
J.-ADV	be-FUT	‘(That) might be John’

1. /éin∂/. This associative or instrumental marker is suffixed to modified stems or nominal roots/stems :

(1) t^hak-lák-éin∂	zà-lù
quick-INTSF-ASS	eat-IMP	‘Eat very quickly’
(2) pàη-éin∂	zà-lù
hand-INSTR	eat-IMP	‘Eat with hand’

1. /l∂̀k∂/. This conjunctive particle meaning ‘and’ or ‘and then’ can be suffixed to any root, as in :

(1) pí- l∂̀k∂	zà-lù
sleep-CP	eat-IMP	‘sleep and (then) eat’
(2) n∂	t^héi- t^héi- l∂̀k∂	k∂̀-sá-n∂̀
you	know-know-CP	NOMZ-do-COP
‘You did (it) knowingly’
(Lit : You know, know and (then) do)

1. /l∂̀k^h∂/. This conjunctive particle meaning ‘while’ can be added to any root :

(1) šà-l∂̀k^h∂	zà-lù
hot-WHILE	eat-IMP	‘Eat while (it is ) hot’
(2) i pí- l∂̀k^h∂	John	rá-ì
I sleep-WHILE	J.	come-NFUT
‘John came while I was sleeping’

1. /vak/. This direction (spatial) marker indicates oppositeness of direction, as in :

(1) hì-vak	rà-lù
this-DIR	come-IMP	‘Eat while (it is ) hot’
‘Come this side (and not that side)’
(2) k^h∂̀-và-vak
NOMZ-go-DIR	‘towards the direction which one goes (and not which one comes)
‘John came while I was sleeping’

1. /soŋ/. This direction/location (spatial and temporal) marker can be added to many nominal stems. It does not indicate any oppositeness. Examples :

(1) hì-soη
this-DIR	‘this side’
(2) šim- soη
home-DIR	‘homewards’
(3) η∂̀-yá- soη
FX-night-DIR	‘in the night’
(4) i-wùi-soη	‘towards me/my side’
I-GEN-DIR

1. /r∂m/. This is a temporal direction/location marker. It occurs in varied types of constructions. Examples :

(1) η∂̀-yá-r∂m
FX-night-DIR	‘by night/in the night’
(2) à-t^hít-r∂m	p^hap	ta-nao-r∂
FX-die+NOMZ-DIR	sense	down-late-FUT
‘(You) will understand towars the end of (your life’/, ‘(you) will understand when (you are) about to die’.

1. /són/, /t^hái/. These particles indicate ‘complete time and night-time respectively, as in :

(1) (a) i	pí-són-r∂
I	sleep-WHOLE DAY-FUT
	‘I will sleep the whole day’
(b) i	pí- t^hái-r∂
I	sleep-WHOLE SIGHT-FUT
	‘I will sleep all night/ the whole night’

/són/, /t^hái/ are combined to exress the meaning ‘always’, ‘all the time’, as in :

(2) Àton pí-són		pí- t^hái-y∂
A.	sleep-WHOLE DAY	sleep-WHOLE NIGHT-NFUT
‘Aton always sleeps/sleeps all the time’

1. /cíη/. This suffix indicates habitual of unchanging action or state, as in :

(1) à	hui-t∂	rá-ciη-∂̀
3SG	late-ADV	come-ALWAYS-NFUT
‘He/she always comes late’
(2) i-sa-vǘ	rì η-cí η- t∂	lèi-y∂̀
1-CL-mother	live-STILL-ADV	be NFUT
‘My mother is still alive’
(3) routine	ci	cì-cìη-r∂
R.	that	that-HAB-FUT
‘The routine will b the same as before’ (there will be no change)

1. /lùi/ indicates repetition, as in :

sá-lùi-lù
do-AGAIN_IMP	‘Do (it) agian

1. /k∂ r/ indicates the meaning ‘all over again’, as in:

sá-k∂ r -lù
do-AGAIN-IMP	‘Do (it) all over again (from the begining)’

1. /sìt/ indicate the meaning ‘all over again in the same way/manner’, as in :

sá- sìt -lù
do-AGAIN-IMP	‘Do (it) afresh/all over again grom the begining in the same way/manner’

1. /sér/ indicate the meaning ‘all’, as in :

(1) rá-s∂ r-lù
come-ALL-IMP		‘Come all (of you)’
(2) i-t^hùm	t^hì-sér-r∂
1-PL	die-ALL-FUT	‘We all will die’

1. /p^hút/ is an emphatic particle which occurs in negative construction. With the negative marker it denotes the meaning ‘not at all’, as in :

i m∂ -và-phút-m∂-r∂
I NEG-go-AT ALL-IND-FUT	‘I’ll not go at all’

1. /m∂/ means ‘just . . . . as expected’, as in :

Àton rá-m∂-r∂
A. come-m∂-FUT	‘Aton will come as expected (so don’t worry)’

1. /c∂ m/ indicates the meaning ‘just’, as in :

(1) Àton	á-rúí-c∂ m	và-hái-r∂
A.	FX-now-JUST	go-leave-PERF
‘Ton has gone just now’
(2) Àton	và- c∂ m-hái-r∂-sà-ì
A.	go-JUST-leave-PERF-hear-NFUT
‘ATon was just goen’ (when I went to see her)’

1. /l∂̀/ indicates the meaning ‘also’, ‘too’, etc., as in:

(1) i-l∂̀	và-r∂̀
I-TOO	go-FUT	‘I too/also will go’
(2) à	k∂̀-p∂ η-l∂̀	p∂ η-l∂̀	k∂̀-t^hak-l∂̀	t^hak-∂̀
3SG	NOMZ-strong-TOO	strong-NFUT	NOMZ-fast-Too	fast-NFUT
‘Ton is strong as well as fast’ (Lit : Aton strong also is strong, fast also is fast)

1. /l∂̀/. This particle is used in forming negative adverbials, as in :

m∂ -t^héi-l∂̀	k∂̀-sá-n∂̀
NEG-know-ADV	NOMZ-do-COP ‘(I) did (it) unknowingly’

1. /l∂l∂̀/. This particle indicates the meanings ‘even if’, ‘though’, etc., as in :

à	teo-l∂l∂̀	p∂̀η-lák-∂̀
3SG	small-THOUGH	strong-INTSF-NFUT
‘Though small, he/she is very strong’

1. /r∂η/ indicates the meaning ‘yet’, and occurs only in negative construction to convey the copulative meaning ‘not yet’, as in :

Àton	m∂̀-rá-r∂η-∂̀
A.	NEG-come-YET-NFUT	‘Aton hasn’t come yet’

1. /∂̀k^h∂ /. This is the conditinal marker which is affixable to any root/stem. Example :

n∂	và-∂̀k^h∂	p^há-r∂
You	go-COND	good-FUT	‘ (It) will be good fi you go’

1. /cào/ is an emphatic particle often used in vouching, as in :

i m∂̀yà-cào-w∂̀

I agree-EMP-NFUT

‘I agree definitely/surely/totally (there is no doubt)’

1. / η∂ p/ indicates the meaning ‘exactly fitting/suitable’, as in :

m∂̀rao	hi	n∂
pant	this	you put-FIT-FUT	‘This pant will exactly fit/suit you’

1. /c∂̀k/ indicates the meaning ‘right in time’, as in :

n∂	rá-c∂ k-hái-r∂
you	come-RIGHT-leave-PERF

1. /téi/. this particle indicates the meaning “hit and miss”, as in :

Àsàη	Àton-li	hùi-téi-háo-w∂̀
A.	A. –DAT	woo-tei-PUNC-NFUT

1. /sum/ denote continuation, as in :

(1) và-sum-lù
go-CONT-IMP	‘Go on and on (without pausing)’
(2) m∂̀tùi-và-sum-háo-w∂̀
talk-go-CONT-PUNC-NFUT
‘(somebody) went on talking (without stopping)’

1. /fü/ indicates continuation or preference, as in :

i pí-fü-r∂̀

I sleep –fü-FUT

‘I’ll continue sleeping for a longer time’/

‘First, I’ll sleep (and the . . . . . )’

3.2.1.2. Derivation with /a/ prefixation

There are a handful of words which are derived with the formative prefix /a/, and which function as either nominals or adverbials. They are :

(1) Temporal adverbs
á-cü	‘today’	á-yá	‘yesterday’
á-k^h∂ m∂	‘tommorrow’	á-rúi	‘now’
á-t^h∂η	‘a temporal point :	‘just a while ago’’
á-r∂ m∂	‘a temporal point :	‘after some time’’
(2) Spatial adverbs
à-tuη	‘up, above’	à-ziη	‘down, below’
à-yar	‘outside’	à-lùη	‘inside’

3.2.1.3. Complex adverbials

Complex adverbials refer to those structures which are formed with two or more stems, roots, and/or affixes. Most of such adverbials are historically complex in the sense that their ‘logic’ of combination is hard to comprehend. The following examples demonstrate how a number of adverbials are constructed in a complex way.

1. /-éin∂ t∂̀ η-t∂/. This structure express the meaning ‘even’, ‘until’, etc., as in :

(1) Delhi-éin∂	t∂̀ η-t∂
D.-ASS	end-ADV	‘upto Delhi (<Not beyond)
(2) i-éin∂	t∂̀ η-t∂	m∂ -sá-r∂ r-m∂-n∂̀
I-ASS	end-ADV	NEG-do-ABLE-IND-COP
(3) á-rúí-éin∂	t∂̀ η-t∂	m∂ -rá-r∂η-∂̀
FX-now-ASS	end-ADV	NEG-come-YET-NFUT
‘(somebody) has not come until now’
(Lit : Ending with now, not yet come)

1. /t^hà-ràn/. Combining of these two rots occur in some temporal adverbials, such as:

t^ha=rt. of ‘like/seem/appear/so’

ran=rt. of ‘time to.......’

(1) k∂ -t^hà-ràn
WH-LIKE-TIME	‘When?’	(Lit: Time like what?)
(2) hi-t^hà-ràn
this-LIKE-TIME	‘time like this’
(3) i k^h∂̀-và-thà-ràn
I NOMZ-go-LIKE-TIME	‘When I go went. . . . .’

1. /-t^hà-t∂/ is added to nominal stems to express the meaning ‘like’, as in:

(1) k∂ -t^hà-t∂
WH-LIKE-ADV ‘How?’	(Lit: Like what?)
(2) hi- t^hà-t∂ sá-lù
this-LIKE-ADV do-IMP	‘Do like this’

1. /-r∂ n- k^h∂̀/These roots are combined in forming words of spatial and temporal extension, as in :

r∂ n=rt. of ‘equal in length’

k^h∂̀=rt. of’one’

(1) k∂ -r∂ n-k^h∂̀
WH-EQUAL-UNIT
‘How long?’ (emporal/spatial)
(Lit: one equal what length?)
(2) hi- r∂ n - k^h∂̀
this-LIKE-TIME	‘This much long (temporal/spatial)’
(3) Àton- r∂ n - k^h∂̀
A. –EQUAL-UNIT	‘Ass tall as Aton’

1. /-yá-k^h∂̀ /. These roots are combined in forming words of quantity, as in :

yá=rt. of ‘equal in number’

(1) k∂ -yá-k^h∂̀
WH-EQUAL-UNIT	‘How many/much?’
(2) sítúi-yá-k^h∂̀
sand-EQUAL-UNIT	‘ As many as the sands’ (<Countless)

1. /-rí-k^h∂̀/. These combined roots occur in forming words of size-measurements, as in :

rí = rt. of ’ euqal in size’

(1) k∂ -rí-k^h∂̀
WH-EQUAL-UNIT	‘How big?’
(2) Àsàη-rí-k^h∂̀
A. –EQUAL-UNIT	‘As big as Asaη

3.2.1.4. Historically complex adverbials

Historically complex adverbials are formed by combining two or more grammatical morphemes and/or roots/ Adverbials of this type are formed in such a way that, often some of the morphemes/ elements are hard to identify or the logic or their internal structure is hard to comprehend. Thus, consider the following structures :

(1) k∂ -cì
WH-that		‘which’
(2) k∂ -cì-li		lèi-k^hl∂ ∂
WH-that-LOC be-Q(WH) which where		‘Where is (it)?’
(3) k∂ -cì-li-k^h∂̀		và-kí-lá
WH-that-LOC-UNIT where somewhere		go-SBJNC-Q (YN)
‘(Are you) going somewhere?’		m∂̀-và-m∂̀-r∂
(4) k∂ -cì-li-k^h∂̀-l∂̀ WH-that-LOC-UNIT-ALSO somewhere anywhere/ever		NEG-go-IND-FT
‘(I) won’t go anywhere/(I) will never go’
(5) k∂ -cì-li-k^h∂̀-t∂ WH-that-LOC-UNIT-ADV somewhere in case		Àton A.		rá-∂̀k^h∂
‘In case Aton comes . . . . . . .’
(6) cì-wùi-vaη-éin∂
that-GEN-BEN		‘for that’
(7) cì-wùi-vaη-éin∂
that-GEN-BEN-ASS		‘therefore/because of that’
(8) k^hì- wùi-vaη-éin∂
what-GEN-BEN-ASS		‘why/because of what?’
(9) hon-t∂
relieve-ADV		‘rather (Lit:relievingly)
(10) k^h∂ -l∂
UNIT-ALSO		‘and’ (Lit: one also)
(11) ci-t^hà-màη-m∂-t∂		màη= modal: ‘expect but not desired’
that-like-EXPECT-IND-ADV		‘nevertheless’
(12) (a) à-p∂ m	k∂̀cì-t∂
FX-place	count-ADV	‘everywhere’
(b) à-t∂ m	k∂̀cì-t∂
FX-time	count-ADV	‘everytime/always’
(13) k∂̀cì-vü
count-UNIT	‘everybody/everyone/every being’ (+ animate)
(14) ci-t^hà-t∂	sá-t∂
that-like-ADV	do-ADV		‘thus’ (Lit: doing like that)
(15) cíη-η∂̀rá-t∂	rá-mì-lù
hate-untie-ADV	come-give-IMP		‘Please/kindly come’,
(16) /pao-sí-n∂̀/.	m∂̀lái-pai-sí-n∂̀
read-AGAIN-IMP	forget-POSB-SBJNC-COP
‘Read again lest (you) will forget’

(1) á-rúí- rúí
FX-now-now	‘right now’
(2) k∂̀-caη-li
FX-month-month-LOC	‘per month/monthly
(3) á-vǘ-vǘ-éin∂
FX-one-one-ASS	‘one by one/singly’
(4) η∂̀t∂̀k- η∂̀tá-t∂
gap-REDU-ADV	‘alternatively/by rotation’
(5) m∂̀r∂̀k- m∂̀r∂̀k-li
between between-LOC	‘occasionally’
(6) sá-sá-l∂̀k∂
do-do-cp	‘at last’ (Lit : do-do and then . . . . )
(7) t^héi- t^héi-l∂̀k∂
know-know-CP	‘deliberately/intentionally; (Lit : know (ing) know(ing) and then. . . . )

3.2.1.5. Reduplicated adverbials

Reduplication is a very productive process for forming adverbials in the language. In the process of reduplication the root or affix is reduplicated completely or partially. The following examples illustrate how reduplication works in forming adverbials. (See also reduplicated expressives in chapter V)

3.2.1.6. Comparative and superlative adverbials

Comparative and superlative adverbials are formed by suffixing the adverbializer /t∂/ to the respective adjectival forms, as in :

t^hak-t∂=quickly

(1) t^hak-mèi-t∂
quick-CMPRT-ADV	‘more quickly’
(2) t^hak-mèi-k∂ p-t∂
quick-CMPRT-SUP-ADV	‘most quickly

3.2.2. Semantic characteristics

Adverbials belong to a number of semantic classes. The following discussion illustrates the range of morpho-syntactic diversity that adverbials tolerate in the language.

3.2.2.1. Manner adverbials

Manner adverbials constitute the most heterogeneous subcategory of adverbials. Various types of affixation occurs in forming manner adverbials in the language (as in other languages). Examples :

(1) t∂ p-t∂	sá-lù
slow-ADV	do-IMP	‘Do slowly’
(2) t∂ p-lák- éin∂	sá-lù
slow-INTSF-ASS	do-IMP	‘Do very slowly
(3) m∂ - p^h∂̀niη-lák-l∂̀	k∂̀-sá-n∂̀
NEG-think-INTSF-ADV	NOMZ-do-COP	‘(I) do/did thoughtlessly/without thinking’

3.2.2.2. Time-frequency-aspectuality adverbials

Adverbials of this sub-group supply information about the time, frequency or other temporal aspects of an event/state. Thus, their semantic scope is not the verb alone, but rather the entire event-clause, that is, the whole proposition. Examples of time-frequency-aspectuality in the language are :

(1) k^h∂		lèi-l∂̀k∂	và-r∂
little		be-CP	go-FUT
I’ll go after some time’ (<later)
(2) rá- rá-t∂		k^h∂̀-lèi	Sunday-li	và-r∂
come-come-ADV		NOMZ-be	S.-LOC	go-FUT
(3) Àton		rá-k∂̀-cì-éin∂	và-nao-r∂
A.		come-COMP-ASS	go-late-FUT
‘(I) will go as/after Aton comes’
(4) Àton		toì-t∂	rá-i
A.		oft-ADV	come-NFUT
‘Aton come often’
(5) Àton		p∂̀ η-t∂	m∂ -rà-m∂-n∂̀
A.		oft-ADV	NEG-come-IND-COP
Àton seldom comes’
(6) m∂̀r∂̀k-k^h∂̀-li-v∂̀		c∂̀p- ηái-y∂̀
between-UNIT-LOC- TOP		cry-WANT-NFUT
‘sometimes (I) feel like crying’
(7) Àton	m∂̀r∂̀k-li	m∂̀r∂̀k-li	c∂̀p-∂̀
A.	between	between-LOC	cry-NFUT
‘Aton cried occasionally’
(8) và-lùi-r∂
go-AGAIN-FUT		‘(I) will go again
(9) l∂̀t-lùi		l∂̀t-lùi-t∂	và-r∂
turn-AGAIN		turn-AGIN-ADV	go-FUT
‘(I) will go repeatedly

3.2.2.3. Epistemic adverbials

Most typically, epistemic adverbs convey the speaker’s attitude towards the truth, certainty or probability or a proposition. Examples are :

(1) Àton	rá-l∂̀-pai-y∂̀
A.	come-POSB-NFUT	‘Perhaps/may be Aton will come’
(2) Àton	rá-m∂ráo-w∂̀
A.	come-DUBI-NFUT	‘Probably Aton will come’
(3) à-rá-cì-pa	ci	Àton-hái-téi
FX-ELV-that-SPEC	that	A.-leave-SFE
the one over there
‘Maybe the one over there is Aton (don’t you think so?)
(4) i-wùi	théi-k∂̀-k^hui-c∂ η-li-v∂̀	n∂ yon-∂̀
I-GEN	know-NOMZ-take-EMP-LOC-TOP	you wrong-NFUT
	knowledge
‘As far as my knowledge is concerned, you are wrong’

3.2.2.4. Evaluative Adverbials

Evaluative adverbials convey attitude towards the desirability of the state or event. Examples in Tangkhul Naga are :

(1) Àton	rá-kí-rǘnò
A.	come-SBJNC-OPT	‘Hopefully Aton will come’
(2) n∂	và-kí-k∂̀-cì-n∂̀
you	go-SBJNC-NOMZ-that-COP
(3) n∂-pa-li	mì-t^hu-r∂
you-SPEC-DAT	give-INSTEAD-FUT
‘I’d rather give you (than to anybody else)’
(4) à-vǘ-η∂̀rá-li	η∂̀mü-sàr-́∂̀
FX-mother-CL-DAT	fight-FORBID-NFUT
‘God forbids fighting with one’s mother’

3.2.2.5. Emphatic adverbials

There are many grammatical operators (affixes and words) in the language which are used in emphatic, contrastive capacity. Their function is not easy to classify in a precise way, and for lack of a better slot, we may consider them a sub-class of adverbials. Some examples of emphatic adverbials are exemplified below :

(1) ci	m∂̀sùη-p^h∂̀lúη-∂̀
that	right-MUST-NFUT
‘That is absolutely right’
(2) i	m∂ -t^héi-k∂̀c∂̀η-k^h∂ t-m∂- m∂
I	NEG-know-real-INTSF-IND-COP
‘I really don’t know’
(3) haη-lak-s∂̀	cì-∂̀k^h∂	n∂	yon-∂̀
speak-INTSF-SUG	that-CON	you	wrong-NFUT
‘Technically speaking, you are wrong’
(Lit: if it be that (I) must say, you are wrong)

To sum up, we have seen a brief descriptive account of Tangkul-Naga adverbials that have been isolated on the basis of morpho-semantic features. Apart from the above discussed types and structures, there are a number of heterogeneous adverbial expressions in the language (whose description is beyond the scope of this exploratory work). Further study is needed to fully account the various types of adverbial expressions - - from adverbial usage of particles to participial adverbial clauses to the usage of adverbial particles as ‘pragmatic fillers’. For instances, historical and comparative study may shed light on comprehending usage of temporal points as pragmatic particle, as in:

a-ca=temporal poing ‘a while go’

a-ca-v∂̀	n∂-li	mì-r∂	k^h∂ -n∂	you-DAT
FX-TIME_TOP	you-DAT	give-FUT	but you	late-INTSF-leave-PERF

‘You would have been given but you’re too late’/

‘As a rule/according to earlier presumption/ it was opined that, you were to be given (since you are the best) but you are too late’

(Lit : As for a while ago, to you will give but . . . . .)

In short, the concept of ‘adverbial’, with all of its hetrogeneity, is a well-known concept to the extent that grammarians are generally in argument as to which expressions are adverbials and which are not.